Sunday, December 24, 2017

Steven Spielberg’s Ode to Journalism in “The Post


December 18 & 25, 2017 Issue

Related image

The new film by Steven Spielberg, “The Post,” begins in the jungle, shifts to Washington, and defies us to tell the difference. Courtrooms, boardrooms, nicely decorated drawing rooms, and newsrooms furnished with little more than telephones and smoke: they all feel cocked and combat-ready, and every deadline looms like an ambush. With Spielberg in command, almost nothing is allowed to soothe the tension. If a great white shark swam by, it would be told to move on.

“Who’s the longhair?” So one soldier says to another, as they prepare to head into a dark Vietnamese forest, in 1966. The guy with the frizz is Daniel Ellsberg (Matthew Rhys), who is employed by the rand Corporation and embedded with U.S. troops. On the plane back to America, he is summoned by the Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara (Bruce Greenwood), and asked, straight out, for his opinion on the war: “Are things better or worse?” Much the same, Ellsberg replies, and an exasperated McNamara agrees. But that is not what he tells the press, who have assembled on the tarmac to hear his views. “In every respect, we’re making progress,” he says. Greenwood has perfected the McNamara smile—long and curved, like a scythe.

The movie, written by Liz Hannah and Josh Singer, sprouts from this rift between the true state of affairs and the alternative facts that are presented to the public. As is common knowledge, it was Ellsberg’s conscience about the rift that led him to steal—or, if you prefer, to liberate—a hulking stash of incriminating documents, which came to be called the Pentagon Papers. In case the knowledge isn’t that common, however, especially among younger viewers, the words “Top Secret—Sensitive” are visible on the files that Ellsberg plucks from a drawer one night. We also get a potted history of American involvement in Southeast Asia, from Truman to Johnson. Spielberg remains a sworn foe of narrative confusion, and, as for potting, nobody does it better.

Among the audience for “The Post” will be a faction that chafes at the title and believes, not without cause, that it should be “The Times.” One problem with any heist is what to do with the loot, and it was to Neil Sheehan—then a correspondent for the Times, and later the author of “A Bright Shining Lie” (1988), one of the indispensable books on Vietnam—that Ellsberg wisely went. His move was understandable, given the reach and the resources of the paper, but, in Spielberg’s film, it annoys the hell out of Ben Bradlee (Tom Hanks), the editor of the Washington Post, who, sniffing a scoop, fishes forty bucks from his wallet and tells an intern to catch a train to New York, with instructions to snoop around and work out where the smell is coming from. Sure enough, theTimes breaks the news, casting grave aspersions upon governments old and new, while the Post is left to lead with a triumphant splash on the wedding of Tricia Nixon.

Hanks does a lot with Bradlee—more than you’d expect, given the twin obstacles that he has to surmount. The first is Bradlee himself, the unassailable star of his own life, which bore the shape and the shine of a golden-age motion picture; how do you match that? The second is Jason Robards, who won an Oscar for his portrayal of Bradlee in “All the President’s Men” (1976), and showed a generation of men how to park their feet on a table. There was a time when only cowboys could do that, with a clink of spurs; now it was a Beltway Brahmin in a striped shirt. Robards also patented a kind of growling drawl—a grawl, so to speak—that Hanks is too smart to mimic. His Bradlee comes with a snap and a hint of a snarl, ditching the languor for the sake of impatience, and his trademark pose is a doughty crossing of the arms. One writer, who has requested two whole days to get a piece together, is briskly reminded that he is a reporter and not a novelist. Somebody else describes Bradlee as a pirate. Hence the gleeful—and, to be honest, very Hanksian—moment when, under siege from every angle, he ducks sideways and says to his assistant, “My God, the fun.”

The glee is not entirely shared by his boss, Katharine Graham (Meryl Streep), who, since her husband’s suicide, has been the sole proprietor of the Post, and whose default condition, for a while, appears to be one notch up from a tizzy. We first see her waking up, with a start, in a bed strewn with papers and books; entering a restaurant, she knocks over a chair; now and then, she has to take puffy little breaths, like a reluctant swimmer nerving herself at the pool’s edge. Not that you can blame her, for the water is infested with men. As a woman, even a wealthy one, she is all but alone in a hostile or, at best, a condescending world. The story is set just as her newspaper is about to go public on the stock market, in a bid to raise capital, and there’s a wonderful shot of a door swinging wide to admit her to the meeting at which the share price will be agreed. There, before her, is a thick male swarm, uniformly clad in dark suits. Politely, they part to make way for her, and yet, at some level, she is no more welcome here than she would be in the innermost chambers of the Vatican.

Streep, needless to say, is biding her time. No actress is more adept at pacing a performance, and everything in “The Post” gathers force and narrows to a point—to a closeup of Mrs. Graham, on the phone, under multiple pressures. What’s happened is this: the Nixon Administration, in a show of undemocratic muscle not seen since the previous century, has brought an injunction against the Times, compelling it to halt publication of the Pentagon Papers; Bradlee, sensing his chance, has grabbed it with his customary flourish; one of his stalwarts, Ben Bagdikian (Bob Odenkirk), has met with Ellsberg and collared a hoard of classified material (around which his colleagues cluster, like the Goonies inspecting a treasure map); after a storm of editing, the pages are made up and ready to go; so what, pray, would Mrs. Graham care to do? Streep goes into a superbly controlled cadenza of ums, ers, and agonizing aahs. Suddenly, her face clears. “Let’s publish,” she says. Even then, we get a last-minute hitch. By feeding from the same source—Ellsberg—that the Times employed, the Post is risking contempt of court, and its lawyers, who fear reprisals from on high, advise severely against going to print. Board members, with a stock issue at stake, are no less fretful. “We can’t let her do this,” one of them says. Like hell they can’t. Midnight strikes. The ditherer decides. The suits are trounced. The presses roll.

The scene is all the more rousing because of what Streep is wearing at the time. Mrs. Graham has, as usual, been hosting a party, and, this being 1971, she is clad in a gold semi-caftan number, as if the soirée were about to conclude with an Aztec sacrifice. The presiding genius here is Ann Roth, a trusted costume designer for Spielberg; reportedly, on the set of the new film, he referred to her as “my co-director.” Another regular is Janusz Kamiński, who has been Spielberg’s cinematographer since “Schindler’s List” (1993), and who gives us a jolt, on this occasion, by opting for lenses so wide that some of the compositions appear to stretch and bulge; as the camera scurries up a corridor, we could be watching an outtake from “The Shining.” Such cramming and crowding of the frame is presumably designed to convey the frantic mood of the era: quite a contrast to the art of Gordon Willis, who filmed “All the President’s Men” as if he were holding his breath, waiting and watching to see what, or who, might emerge from the quiet shadows. The sequence, early in that movie, depicting the break-in at the Watergate complex, in 1972, is mirrored in the closing minutes of “The Post.” One coverup, we realize, will bleed into the next.

Nothing is more promisingly solid, to the moviegoer, than a major Spielberg production. You can foretell everything from the calibration of the craftsmanship to the heft of the cast, and “The Post” inarguably delivers. Streep and Hanks are backed by players as proficient as Tracy Letts, Sarah Paulson, and Michael Stuhlbarg, who is in everything right now, and whose Abe Rosenthal, in “The Post,” seems to be closely modelled on Grandpa, in “The Munsters.” As for authenticity, we are spirited back in style. Everything smacks of the nineteen-seventies, from the photocopier the size of a small car to the actual small car, a mint-green Fiat, in which Bradlee, just to be different, zips around D.C. Nostalgists for vanished technologies, meanwhile, will moan with delight at the recurring images of type being set by hand. (Call it hot-metal porn.) Most distant of all is the weirdly intimate pas de deux between those who dwell in power and those who must hold them to account; Mrs. Graham, a hobnobber extraordinaire, drops round to see McNamara, one Sunday, even as her newspaper is gearing up to release information that will cut the ground from beneath him. It takes courage to stop the dance.

And yet, despite this authentic re-creation of the past, “The Post” is not a period movie. Instead, it is squarely addressed to the present day, striving for the urgency of a headline. The film is here to warn us of fresh threats to press freedom; to confirm that the battle between real news and fake news is not without precedent; and to raise a knowing titter, as Streep—“one of the most overrated actresses in Hollywood,” according to Donald Trump—delivers the line “It’s hard to say no to the President of the United States.” The President in question is Lyndon Johnson, with whom Mrs. Graham was naturally on familiar terms, but we get the point.

If anything, we get the point too much. Unlike “Empire of the Sun” (1987) or “Catch Me If You Can” (2002), which left us with a tussle of competing feelings, Spielberg’s latest work exults without a fleck of irony in its moral obligation—to lend dramatic form to the First Amendment. “The only way to protect the right to publish is to publish,” Bradlee says, and Mrs. Graham even wheels out the rusty nostrum about journalism being the first draft of history. Of what used to be termed gutter journalism, or, indeed, of what goes on down at gutter level, we see no trace. (Imagine what history would be like if it grew out of “His Girl Friday” or “Ace in the Hole.”) Nor is there more than a wisp of what McNamara defined as the fog of war; there is only the pack of lies that politicians tell, and the bright shining light that is beamed upon them by the press. Most people going to see “The Post,” or lavishing it with awards, will, I suspect, feel heartened and flattered by the warmth with which it endorses their own convictions. Is that all we desire from a movie, though—that it should agree with us, and vice versa? How do you prevent its principles, well intentioned as they are, from staling into piety? When a film is bang on the moment, as “The Post” is determined to be, what will remain of its impact when the moment is past? Maybe Spielberg, Streep, and Hanks are possessed, like many of their compatriots, by a deeper dread. Maybe they think that the moment is here to stay. ♦
This article appears in the print edition of the December 18 & 25, 2017, issue, with the headline “Paper Chase.”

Saturday, December 23, 2017

A Great Week for the President and a NeverTrump Crack-up

By 
https://amgreatness.com/
December 22, 2017

Image result for trump tax cut

This week has been a vindication for much-maligned Trump supporters. Not only did the president have the best week of his administration, an internecine feud erupted within the “NeverTrump” tribe.

First, the great week. The president fulfilled a key campaign promise with his signing this morning of the tax reform bill that also eliminated Obamacare’s individual mandate and opened up the Alaskan National Wildlife Refuge to drilling. He reprioritized our national security interests with his National Security Statement issued Monday And finally, who can’t be proud of the the announcement that the United States would finally be “taking names” of our foes at the United Nations? There is palpable satisfaction among Trump voters and even reluctant supporters.

Though ultimately less important, on one level, the “NeverTrump” infighting may be even more delicious than the solid week of accomplishments. Before the primary elections, an influential and vocal group of conservatives loosely banded together to oppose Trump’s candidacy; this included the editors of National Review and The Weekly Standard, conservative columnists for the Washington Post and New York Times, authors such as Tom Nichols, and the presidential ticket of independents Evan McMullin and Mindy Finn. But since Trump won (and subsequently amassed a record any legitimate conservative would have hailed had it come from a different Republican) a growing rift has developed between the various factions in NeverTrumpland. On one side are influencers who gradually, if begrudgingly, acknowledge Trump is governing in a way far more palatable to their “principled conservatism” than they expected. While they still bemoan his temperament and approach, they commend his achievements.
On the other side are opportunists who have become traitors to the “conservative” cause they once championed as they shrewdly trade their integrity for air time on MSNBC or CNN to rant about the president. (I have written about them here and here.) They have publicly speculated—or hoped, to put it more accurately—that Trump would not survive the first year of his presidency, and encouraged his staff and Congressional Republicans to abandon the Trump Titanic before the Mueller iceberg took it down. Their message has become inchoate and unhinged, and decidedly not conservative.

The widening rift between the two camps turned into a chasm this week. On Monday, National Review Online published a column by its editor, Charles C. W. Cooke, denouncing the hyperbole and hypocrisy of Jennifer Rubin, the Washington Post’s allegedly conservative blogger. Cooke, not exactly a fan of President Trump, compared Rubin to Trump’s most “unprincipled acolytes” who demand blind loyalty to the MAGA cause: “Rubin has become precisely what she dislikes in others: a monomaniac and a bore, whose visceral dislike of her opponents has prompted her to drop the keys to her conscience into a well.”
Cooke identifies several issues on which Rubin has flip-flopped since Trump was elected, including the Paris Climate Accord, Obama’s Iran deal, the U.S. embassy move to Jerusalem, and gun control. To illustrate her reversals, Cooke cited Rubin’s own words and columns. (Cooke also linked to my recent article about Rubin.) Cooke calls her byline “tragically misleading,” noting “she is not in fact writing from a ‘conservative perspective,’ but as just one more voice among a host of Trump-obsessed zealots who add nothing to our discourse. In so doing, she does conservatism a sincere disservice.”
It was a fair but unvarnished profile of a once-credible conservative who has lost any shred of integrity since November 2016. But it didn’t take long for others in her camp to rise to Rubin’s defense.
The next day, David Frum, a former speechwriter for George W. Bush and diehard NeverTrumper, posted a retort to Cooke in The Atlantic. It was the verbal version of a junk drawer, an odd mix of throwaway lines and anecdotes that did nothing to refute Cooke’s central argument about Rubin’s doublespeak.
Frum calls Cooke’s column a “savagely personal attack” on Rubin—it wasn’t—and misrepresents Cooke’s view of Trump, falsely accusing Cooke of “speaking fiercely of Donald Trump before the election, [but] has since mostly avoided the uncongenial subject.” (I invite Frum to listen to any one of NRO’s “The Editors” weekly podcasts to hear Cooke’s often harsh opinion about Donald Trump.)
Frum then weirdly writes: “Conservatism is what conservatives think, say, and do. As conservatives change—as much through the harsh fact of death and birth as by the fluctuations of opinion—so does what it means to be a conservative.” It is fine to acknowledge that conservatism may take a different shape based on the prevailing political climate (though Frum and his crew seemed to have had quite a hard time doing that in 2016), but it does not mean you abandon key principles—less intrusive federal government, a non-punitive tax code, strong national defense, a compassionate but not graft-ridden social safety net—just because your candidate lost and you are embarrassed.
To try and make sense of the reaction to Rubin from those who wish to remain on the honest right, even if they aren’t full-throated Trump supporters, Frum then calls Rubin a member of the “embattled center-right” who is joined by other brave, anti-Trump mouthpieces such as Max Boot, Mona Charen, Bill Kristol, John Podhoretz, Evan McMullin, Mindy Finn, Tom Nichols, and Joe Scarborough. (Yes, he refers to Scarborough as center-right.)
Indeed, that very crew also jumped to Rubin’s defense and heaped praise on Frum for his chivalric missive on her behalf:
But then Tom Nichols, author of The Death of Expertise and one of the nastier NeverTrumpers who not only criticizes the president, but also demeans his voters, administration, and supporters in Congress, got a little over his skis with this Tweet storm:
This prompted a reply by National Review author Jim Geraghty: “What, is all U.S. policy supposed to stand still for four years? That’s an impossibility, so stop wasting time imagining a world where Trump never does anything as president. Policy will change in the Trump years, so you might as well push for the policies to be changed in your preferred direction.” The two continued to tussle a bit on Twitter.
There were other back-and-forth articles, including a follow-up by Cooke and a piece by Jonah Goldberg, and plenty of play on social media.
Let’s just say, for those of us who have been demeaned by some NeverTrumpers, and who have called out their harsh rhetoric and destructive agenda, it was gratifying to watch this play out. Not only is it time for anti-Trump conservatives to acknowledge this president’s bold and conservative-friendly presidency so far, it is time to call bullshit on those who refuse to do so. Admitting you were wrong—or at least mistaken in your assessment of both the electorate and a president—is never easy. But holding on to a dishonest narrative that a president—who is now doing things that alleged “conservatives” once proclaimed to be among their objectives—is somehow working to undermine those goals, is not being conservative. In fact, it’s just lying.
I suspect all of this is related to the fact that people who fancy themselves smarter than the rest of us—I am looking at you, Tom Nichols—were flat wrong about Trump. They continue to say “we knew who Trump was all along.” Did you really? Did you expect he would govern the way he has? Did you anticipate the massive regulatory rollback, the conservative judicial picks, the snubbing of the global aristocracy, the strong Cabinet choices, the push for energy independence? Did you expect he would expose the appalling lack of integrity in the nation’s media, or usher in frightening revelations about a wholly corrupt Obama Administration, which many NeverTrumpers blatantly ignore?
Here, I’ll answer for you: No, you did not. So perhaps we “Bubbas” who you think fell for “boob bait” (as people such as Rubin and Kristol so eruditely like to put it) knew something you didn’t. Maybe, despite your credentials and advanced degrees and Beltway influence, you were blind to something that the folks out here in flyover country detected about Trump. You were wrong, and you refuse to admit it.
A good week for the president, his voters, and the country. A bad week for the NeverTrump sore losers who keep digging a hole that will be tough—if not impossible—to climb out of.  Happy to toss them a rope, though, when the apologies come.