Thursday, January 10, 2013

From Al Gore to Al Jazeera

By Clifford D. May
http://www.nationalreview.com
January 10, 2012


A few years back I was interviewed about some development in the Middle East by a reporter from Al Arabiya, the Saudi-owned television news channel. Afterwards, we sat for a while and talked journalism. He mentioned that he had previously worked for Al Jazeera. I asked why he had left. “Too many Islamists,” he said. “They made me uncomfortable.”
It’s bizarre: We used to know a lot about Al Jazeera. At what point did amnesia set in? The station was launched in November 1996. Two months after al-Qaeda’s attacks on New York and Washington, Fouad Ajami, the Lebanese-born American scholar, analyzed its product in the pages of The New York Times Magazine. Al Jazeera, he wrote, “may not officially be the Osama bin Laden Channel, but he is clearly its star . . . The channel’s graphics assign him a lead role: there is bin Laden seated on a mat, his submachine gun on his lap; there is bin Laden on horseback in Afghanistan, the brave knight of the Arab world. A huge, glamorous poster of bin Laden’s silhouette hangs in the background of the main studio set at Al Jazeera’s headquarters in Doha, the capital city of Qatar.”
Ajami added: “Although Al Jazeera has sometimes been hailed in the West for being an autonomous Arabic news outlet, it would be a mistake to call it a fair or responsible one. Day in and day out, Al Jazeera deliberately fans the flames of Muslim outrage.”
Five years later Al Jazeera launched an English-language version. To be fair, it is editorially distinct from AJ Arabic. But, also to be fair, two questions must be asked: Are there serious disagreements between these sister stations? Or do they have what Ayman Mohyeldin, once AJ English’s Cairo correspondent (and now a reporter at NBC), called a “shared vision,” with the Al Jazeera Network’s owners understanding their various audiences and what is required to influence each of them?
Al Jazeera English’s first Washington anchor was Dave Marash, a veteran reporter who had been a substitute host for Ted Koppel at ABC’s Nightline, for many years one of the best news programs on television. He quit after two years,explaining to the Columbia Journalism Review that as “the American face of the channel” he had, in effect, “vouched for its credibility and value,” and that he could not continue to do that because, while he considered much of AJ English’s reporting high-quality, its anti-American bias had become all too obvious.
The Al-Jazeera Network is owned and operated by the royal family of Qatar, an emirate rated by Freedom House as “not free.” Qatar’s Wahhabi religious establishment is hard-core but more indulgent of foreigners than are the clerics of Saudi Arabia, where Wahhabism also is the state religion. The sale of oil keeps Qatar’s rulers fabulously wealthy, so AJ will never need to turn a profit. If making money is not AJ’s purpose, what is?
Al Gore thinks he knows. As you have doubtless heard by now, the former vice president is selling the Current TV cable network he co-founded to AJ. Estimated price: $500 million. That will make what is to be known as Al Jazeera America available in more than 40 million homes across the country. In a statement issued last Wednesday, Current TV co-founder Joel Hyatt said that he and Gore were “thrilled and proud” that their project was being acquired by Al Jazeera, which “was founded with the same goals we had for Current: To give voice to those who are not typically heard; to speak truth to power; to provide independent and diverse points of view; and to tell the stories that no one else is telling.”
If you don’t buy that explanation, Orville Schell thinks you’re an Islamophobe. The former dean of journalism at the University of California, Berkeley, and a Current TV board member, Schell was asked about Time Warner’s announcement that it will not carry AJ-America (thus depriving it of 15 percent of Current TV’s current total reach) unless it perceives a demand from its audience. Time Warner, he told the Associated Press, has “probably dropped the contract because they fear American prejudice.”
I’ve appeared on AJ English quite a few times. Like Current TV and MSNBC, it presents itself as a voice of the Left. AJ English does not overtly promote the ideology of Islamism, but it does present it as mainstream, suggesting an affinity between Islamist and leftist values. Whenever I’ve been on a program, I’ve had an opportunity to provide my analysis and opinions. But, invariably, I will be outnumbered: At least two other guests, as well as the interviewer, will vehemently disagree with me. Anyone versed in Strategic Communications 101 will recognize this as a technique designed to marginalize one set of views and promote another.
The Current/AJ deal brims with ironies: For one, Al Gore, Internet pioneer, paladin of the fight against global warming, and archenemy of carbon fuels, is about to have his bank account inflated by an estimated one hundred million petro-dollars, and he will “proudly” serve on the advisory board of a media outlet owned by a dictatorship that advocates government censorship of the Internet. In that role, he can be expected to use his political influence to ensure that cable executives continue to charge cable subscribers for a channel those subscribers haven’t asked for. Second, Gore had previously refused to sell Current TV to Glenn Beck because the conservative commentator — unlike Al Jazeera — is “not aligned with our point of view.” Third, according to the New York Times, “Mr. Gore and his partners were eager to complete the deal by Dec. 31, lest it be subject to higher tax rates that took effect on Jan. 1.” (Sadly, they missed that deadline.)
Quite a few of my learned journalistic colleagues have been cheerily asserting that Al Jazeera America will make a net contribution to the free market in ideas. At a time when American print journalism is hemorrhaging financially, a time when saying anything that might be interpreted as offensive to Muslims can be — quite literally — hazardous to one’s health, a time when American diplomats are actively negotiating international laws that would restrict freedom of speech regarding Islam and Islamism, I’m not confident they’re right.
One more reason to be less than optimistic: Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi is the host of Al Jazeera Arabic’s most popular program, Sharia and Life. Qaradawi endorsed Ayatollah Khomeini’s call to execute novelist Salman Rushdie for blasphemy, called what Hitler did to Europe’s Jews “divine punishment” (adding that “Allah willing, the next time will be at the hand of the believers”). In 1991, one of his acolytes, Mohamed Akram, a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood in America, wrote a memorandum, later obtained by the FBI, asserting that Brothers “must understand that their work in America is a kind of grand jihad in eliminating and destroying the Western civilization from within and sabotaging its miserable house by their hands and by the hands of the believers so that it is eliminated and God’s religion is made victorious over all other religions.”
Is Al Gore really “thrilled and proud” to be associated with such “independent and diverse points of view”? Is this what he means by “speaking truth to power”? Might asking him these questions be a net contribution to the free market in ideas?
— Clifford D. May is president of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a policy institute focusing on terrorism and Islamism.

'If it saves one life...'

By Charles C. W. Cooke
http://www.nationalreview.com/corner
January 9, 2012


According to the Weekly Standard, today the vice-president said this:
“As the president said, if your actions result in only saving one life, they’re worth taking. But I’m convinced we can affect the well-being of millions of americans and take thousands of people out of harm’s way if we act responsibly.”
This “one life” line receives an awful lot of attention after massacres, especially among those who would jump to rush legislation through. It shouldn’t, of course, because it is a silly thing to say. No free society worth its salt operates anywhere close to the principle that a law that could save “one life” is automatically worth passing, or that “actions” that result in “only saving one life” are axiomatically “worth taking.” Holding all school classes in lead-lined, bulletproof underground panic rooms would probably save “one life” over the next few years, but that doesn’t mean we should do it; banning Ibuprofen would probably save “one life” in the next few years, but that doesn’t mean we should do it; limiting access to trousers and bananas and televisions and wardrobes and swimming pools would almost definitely save “one life” over the course of a given year, but, again, that doesn’t mean that we should do it. And so on and so forth. The question, as ever, is whether the cost is worth it. The “one life” canard is an attempt to bypass that and appeal to emotion. Depressingly enough, it’s relatively effective.

The “one life” idea is especially silly in the context of the gun debate because it can be used both ways equally productively. Almost every day, an American saves his own life — or someone else’s life — with a privately held firearm. Last week, for example, a mother in Georgia used a .38 revolver to protect herself and her children from an intruder. Taking Joe Biden’s line — which he appears to have inherited from the president — one could quite easily construct a case to issue all mothers with revolvers whether they like it or not. Wait, you object to having a gun in the house? You think that arming all of America’s mothers sounds expensive? You’re not sure that’s the best idea anyway. Civil liberties? Yes, yes, but if it saves just one life . . .

In Britain this fallacy is wheeled out fairly often. It was used when the Labour government tried unsuccessfully to extend the number of days that it could lock up suspected terrorists without trial (to 90!), it is used when discussing making motorcycle helmets mandatory, and it is used in a somewhat sinister manner when discussing the death penalty. It is, in other words, used by people who wish to sidestep the inconvenient truth that what they are suggested is thorny, silly, or unpopular. Joe Biden is well aware that the Left has been gradually losing the argument on firearms for 30 years now, and that the only time that gun controllers enjoy even a modicum of support from the public is when they manage to mislead them with meaningless terms such as “assault weapon” or to conflate terms such “automatic” and “semi-automatic” with sufficient success that people are led to believe that machine guns are available at Walmart. That is to say that Biden knows that there is a latent skepticism toward the proposition that reviving old firearms laws that had no effect on anything is magically going to fix America’s problems, and thus he has to go for the emotional angle. He’d like to be able to say, “If it saves ten thousand lives,” but he can’t. Hence:

“There really is no evidence that gun laws make a difference.”

“Yes, yes, but if it saves just one life . . .

The obvious counter-question is, “yes, if it saves one life what?” But nobody seems much interested in asking that.

Why I'll never vote for a known steroids user for the Hall of Fame

By Tom Verducci
Sports Illustrated
January 8, 2012


A quarter of a century after the disgrace of Ben Johnson at the Seoul Olympics, more than a decade after the single season home run record was corrupted six times in four years (and not at all in 48 seasons before and since) and in the immediate wake of confirmation that Lance "Never Failed a Test" Armstrong -- surprise! -- masterminded a massive fraud, I still have to explain why I will not endorse any known steroid user for the Hall of Fame.
First, you must understand the voting process. A ballot is sent to me in the mail -- a personal ballot, just as it is sent to about 570 baseball writers eligible to vote. This is not an SAT test or a trivia contest. There are no "right" and "wrong" answers. This one ballot is my judgment. Yes, I am being asked to be "judge" or juror, in the parlance of some writers uncomfortable with responsibility, but I am only one of many hundreds.
When I vote for a player I am upholding him for the highest individual honor possible. My vote is an endorsement of a career, not part of it, and how it was achieved. Voting for a known steroid user is endorsing steroid use. Having spent too much of the past two decades or so covering baseball on the subject of steroids -- what they do, how the game was subverted by them, and how those who stayed away from them were disadvantaged -- I cannot endorse it.
Based on past statements, such a dismissal is also obvious to many former players, including Hank Aaron, who has said no steroid users should go into the Hall ("The game has no place for cheaters"), Andre Dawson ("Individuals have chosen the wrong road, and they're choosing that as their legacy"), Goose Gossage ("Cheaters should absolutely not be in the Hall of Fame"), Todd Zeile ("Why doesn't anybody see that it's cheating and it's wrong?"), David Wells ("To me, if you've cheated as a player, that's as bad as being a scab") and Dale Murphy ("Everyone understood that it was against the law . . . It was also against the spirit of the game. That's why everybody did it in secret. I have a hard time endorsing that, because there were a lot of guys who decided, 'I'm not going to do that.'")
Where are all the former players arguing for known steroid users to be in the Hall? Anybody?
Listen to what Mark McGwire said in an interview after being hired as the Dodgers hitting coach after last season. McGwire is an admitted steroid user who retired before any testing took place.
"It's a mistake that I have to live with for the rest of my life," he said. "I have to deal with never, ever getting into the Hall of Fame. I totally understand and totally respect their opinion and I will never, ever push it. That is the way it's going to be and I can live with that.
"One of the hardest things I had to do this year was sit down with my 9- and 10-year-old boys and tell them what dad did. That was a really hard thing to do but I did it. They understood as much as a 9- or 10-year old could. It's just something, if any ball player ever came up to me, run away from it. It's not good. Run away from it."
McGwire -- before or after admission -- never has received 25 percent of the BBWAA vote. The threshold for election is 75 percent. I respect the process. If Barry Bonds or Roger Clemens can clear the same bar 112 other electees have cleared since voting began in 1936, I respect that -- just as I would even if the consensus leaves nobody enshrined in results announced Wednesday.
Consider this: this ballot is packed with eventual Hall of Famers no matter the Wednesday outcome. How do we know? In the 35 ballots from 1968, when current voting rules were put in place, through 2002, the average ballot included 10.2 eventual Hall of Famers -- though only an average of 1.6 per year reached the 75 percent threshold. Those 35 elections never had fewer than five Hall of Famers on the ballot (1995) and had as many as 16 (1969).
(The writers have been fairly consistent in the flow of voting players in. Hall of Famers elected per year by decade since the '70s: 1.3, 1.9, 1.5, 1.7, 1.7).
McGwire's rare words about understanding the impact of steroids on the voting process are admirable. Still, others outside the game offer excuses that McGwire himself doesn't touch. Here are the most popular rationalizations:
1. "It wasn't against the rules."
The conspiracy of silence to this day tells you all you need to know about the hollowness of such a claim. Again, we were a decade outside of the steroid bust of Ben Johnson. Steroids were a well-known taboo. Everyone knew, including those who took them, steroids were a conscious, elaborate, covert decision to go outside the boundaries of fair competition, not to enable performance but to enhance it beyond what was naturally possible.
Pitcher Matt Herges, who said steroids made him "superhuman . . . an android, basically," once said, "We didn't have drug testing anyways. But it was still wrong."
When George Mitchell conducted his white paper investigation into steroids in baseball, his investigators contacted 68 players. Only one of them was willing to talk about steroids: Dan Naulty, the former Twins and Yankees pitcher whose chilling story I profiled last year. Naulty lived the lie. His debunking of the "it wasn't against the rules" nonsense is as thorough as anything I've ever heard:
"I was a full blown cheater and I knew it," Naulty said. "You didn't need a written rule. I was violating clear principals that were laid down within the rules. Whether they were explicitly stated that I shouldn't use speed or testosterone didn't need to be stated. I understood I was violating mainly implicit principals.
"I have no idea how many guys were using testosterone. But I would assume anybody that was had some sort of conviction that this was against the rules. Look, my fastball went from 87 to 96! There's got to be some sort of violation in that. It was not by natural cause. To say it wasn't cheating to me was . . . it's just a fallacy. There's just no way you could say that's not cheating. It was a total disadvantage to play clean."
2. "Everybody was doing it."
This canard infuriates me the most. When I wrote the 2002 SI investigation on steroids in baseball in which Ken Caminiti said about half the players in the game were juicing, people criticized him for exaggerating the problem. Many of those same people now are using the "everybody was doing it" excuse. It's a lazy, terrible insult to everybody who played the game clean.
The genesis of that article was that during the 2001 season many clean players were complaining to me that steroids had become so prevalent in the game that they felt clearly disadvantaged. That's when I knew the game reached a tipping point: when a few rogue early adopters had grown into hundreds of cheaters. The hundreds who played the game clean were harmed. Many lost jobs, money and opportunity by choosing to play the game clean. I think of them every time I get a Hall of Fame ballot.
As so many writers go to bat for steroid users, the clean players are dismissed as "everybody was doing it" or, "pitchers were doing it, too, so it was an even playing field." Go back and read the story of Naulty and the four Miracles of Fort Myers -- three pitchers who played clean were left behind in the minors as Naulty juiced his way to the majors -- and tell me about even playing fields.
Never has there been a more uneven playing field since the game was integrated than the one during the Steroid Era.
You have to understand how much steroids changed the game. In the rush to dismiss them, people have thrown out awkward analogies about petroleum jelly, sandpaper, cork, tacks, diet pills from the '70s, etc. under the catchall category of "cheating." Stop it. You know what steroids are like? Steroids. Nothing else rises to the level of steroids when it comes to anabolically changing the body so that it can do far more than it ever could do without them. Steroids took hold because they take a player well beyond his natural ability. Caminiti said he felt like "Superman" with steroids; they even improved his speed.
Beware the player who uses the Mr. Olympia analogy: you know, "if steroids helped baseball players the game would be populated with bodybuilders." It's an awkward cover. The edge players gained was enormous, such as Naulty gaining 68 pounds and 10 miles an hour on his fastball -- using steroids only in the offseason, by the way! - or a minor league teammate, Jeff Horn, who said, "A good fastball could get in on me and tie me up. When I had the stuff in me I could get to those pitches easier. With steroids you could do those things you otherwise couldn't do. The things that kept you in the minor leagues all of a sudden didn't hold you back any more."
Horn bought his steroids off the internet. There are all kinds of steroids with all kinds of purposes that can be combined with all kinds of other drugs. People talk about steroids as if it's one magic pill with the same effect for everyone. The truth is even within the world of steroid cheats there are many levels of unfairness. Take Bonds, for instance, a major league player with world class ability already who, thanks to Game of Shadows, we know engaged in the most sophisticated, state-of-the-art doping regimen ever documented in baseball. Caminiti, on the other hand, bought testosterone in Mexico and, with disastrous effects to his body, self-medicated.
The extrapolation of baseball before Caminiti spoke up was this: the trust in a fair game was being depleted as jobs and games were being decided by who had the best chemist. A parade of players pushed baseball in that direction, and many of the names on this Hall of Fame ballot were not just in the parade but, because of their success, the drum majors leading it.
I do believe players from this era begin with an assumption of innocence. I believe Fred McGriff, for instance, is vastly undersupported in Hall of Fame voting. He retired as only the 10th player with an OPS of .886 or better with more than 10,000 plate appearances. The other nine are a who's who of inner-circle Hall of Famers: Mike Schmidt, Hank Aaron, Frank Robinson, Willie Mays, Stan Musial, Mel Ott, Babe Ruth, Ty Cobb and Tris Speaker. You may ask, "But how do you know he's clean?" I start with a presumption of innocence and then consider any information about connections to steroids. With McGriff, I have come into no such information to move off the presumption.
I try to be fair. Speculation alone is dangerous. I'll use Jeff Bagwell as an example. He's a guy I voted for again. But here are some facts about Bagwell: he hired a bodybuilder (later hired by Luis Gonzalez) in 1995 to make him "as big as I can," flexibility be damned; took the steroid precursor andro (as well as supplements such as creatine, HMB, zinc, etc.), underwent a massive body change; maintained a bodybuilder weightlifting regimen; called the whistle-blowing in 2002 by Caminiti "a shame" and the one in 2005 by Jose Canseco "very disappointing . . . whether it's true or not;" promulgated the red herring that drugs don't help baseball players ("Hand-eye coordination is something you can't get from a bottle," he said of his andro use); and as recently as 2010 in an ESPN interview openly endorsed steroid use by anyone from a fringe player ("I have no problem with that") to superstars such as Bonds and McGwire ("I know you took it but it doesn't matter") as well as the HGH use by an injured Andy Pettitte ("That's not a performance enhancer").
I disrespect his position on steroids and wonder why someone of a bodybuilder mindset who endorses steroid use would walk right up to the steroid line himself without crossing it. His comments, right before his first year on the ballot, bothered me so much that I didn't vote for him that year -- I needed more time to process his candidacy, a kind of deferral that is not uncommon. Without subsequent information, I have voted for him since. No, voting isn't easy. This is the kind of toxicity the players left behind from The Steroid Era.
Now use Armstrong as an example when it comes to PED evidence. His defense, even when blasted with 1,000 pages of evidence of PED use by USADA, has remained the same for years and sounds familiar to anybody who has followed the lying steroid users in baseball. His lawyer responded by noting that Armstrong has passed "500-600 tests" and that USADA was on a (here it comes, everybody) "witch hunt" to go after a "retired cyclist." Cue the violins.
Now think about how Armstrong was busted: with no admission, no positive test, no court ruling. (In fact, the US Attorney in Los Angeles only months earlier dropped an investigation into Armstrong's drug use.) Put him on a Hall of Fame ballot and half the writers would vote for him under the "there's no evidence" umbrella.
How was Armstrong, long associated with PED rumors, finally exposed? Teammates. Eleven former teammates finally said the emperor had no clothes. They, too, were dirty. Armstrong didn't just use PEDs, he also instilled and maintained an entire system of corrupt competition, all of it based on a culture of silence and deceit. Sound familiar?
The same lesson applies to baseball. The Steroid Era, too, is an ongoing archeology: buried secrets known to many -- teammates, trainers, suppliers, coaches, etc. -- that sometimes get revealed with a little brushing away of the topsoil, not always as public as the work of Canseco or Mitchell.
Finally, why should we care at all? Good question. You, in fact, may not care. But this one of 570 or so is my ballot. I do care. One reason is the "character clause" in the voting instructions, something that many writers and observers have mangled out of shape in Cirque du Soleil acrobatics to excuse steroid users. The label "character clause" has become a pejorative. No such title exists. The instructions say only, "Voting shall be based upon the player's record, playing ability, integrity, sportsmanship, character, and contributions to the team(s) on which the player played."
People have twisted this to mean "morals," or, that since "racists" are in the Hall, you must allow steroid users. Such assumptions have led people to promote the idea of removing the "character clause." Do these people know the origin of the clause?
The clause comes from the man who came up with the very idea of the Hall of Fame itself: Alexander Cleland, an immigrant from Scotland who worked for Stephen Clark, a wealthy lawyer who grew up in Cooperstown. After a meeting with Clark in Cooperstown in 1934, Cleland saw laborers working on Doubleday Field and learned from them about plans there five years hence to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the game's mythical beginning. On the train to New York, an inspired Cleland composed a memo to Clark about the idea of a baseball museum in Cooperstown. Later, with the backing of NL president Ford Frick, Cleland and Clark included the idea of enshrining the best players as part of the museum. They decided to enlist the Baseball Writers Association of America to hold an election in 1936 to decide which players would be so honored.
According to an August 1944 memo by Hall of Fame treasurer Paul Kerr, it was Cleland who listed general rules for voters, including the 75 percent threshold and also deciding that "those worthy of Hall of Fame election should be selected from the ranks for ability, character, and their general contribution to base ball in all respects."
Now you know that one of the founding fathers instructed "character" to be considered from the birth of the Hall itself. It's a central, original principle of the voting process. You don't just dismiss the Thomas Jefferson of the Hall of Fame and 77 years of history to accommodate steroid users.
(Here's an example of why "character" has mattered from the very beginning of Hall elections. In that inaugural 1936 election, 226 baseball writers cast ballots. They could vote for up to 10 candidates, and mostly all did. A total of 2,231 votes were cast, or an average of 9.87 names per ballot. Joe Jackson, a career .356 hitter, received only two of the 2,231 votes. Jackson was fully eligible for Hall of Fame election, though commissioner Kenesaw Mountain Landis had banned him from baseball because of his involvement in the 1919 Black Sox scandal. The writers overwhelming decided he was not a Hall of Famer.
Bill Slocum, writing in the New York American, immediately took notice of the lack of support for Jackson, who otherwise had the eligibility and the numbers to gain far more support, if not election. Rule 21d, the Major League Baseball rule prohibiting betting on games, wasn't even in place when Jackson was implicated in the Black Sox scandal. Landis crafted it in the early 1920s. The rule prohibiting players on the ineligible list from appearing on a Hall of Fame ballot was not adopted until 1991, as a pre-emptive measure to keep Pete Rose from being considered by the writers.)
Forget the racists and scoundrels comparison. Here's my issue with steroid users as it relates to the "character clause:" it's about how they played the game between the lines, not how they conducted themselves outside of it. It's an issue of competitive integrity, not personal integrity. They bastardized baseball, eroded the implicit fairness of it and disadvantaged those who chose to play fairly to extents never seen before.
McGwire understands he is not getting into the Hall of Fame. Neither are Rafael Palmeiro or Sammy Sosa. Clemens and Bonds are not getting in this year or probably the next few years, though they may gain support as some writers drop their "first ballot" protest non-votes or more come around to think that "they were Hall of Famers before they started juicing," a rationalization I reject. The notion that steroid use is acceptable based on some sliding scale of accomplishment or talent is strange but entirely 21st century American.
Three months before my Hall of Fame ballot arrived, I read a story in the New York Timestitled "Studies Find More Students Cheating, With High Achievers No Exception." It was about academic fraud. It said nothing about steroids. But I saw steroids in baseball written between the lines, particularly these paragraphs:
Howard Gardner, a professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, said that over the 20 years he has studied professional and academic integrity, "the ethical muscles have atrophied," in part because of a culture that exalts success, however it is attained.
He said the attitude he has found among students at elite colleges is: "We want to be famous and successful, we think our colleagues are cutting corners, we'll be damned if we'll lose out to them, and some day, when we've made it, we'll be role models. But until then, give us a pass."
Steroid users want the pass, though they remain too shamefully silent to ask for it. I tend to be slightly tougher than average on the Hall of Fame voting scale, but this year voted for six (right around the recent average of the electorate) of the 36 names on the ballot: Bagwell, Craig Biggio, McGriff, Jack Morris, Tim Raines and Curt Schilling. Next year could present an even harder challenge. With six on my ballot this year, and the possibility of a shutout looming, and Greg Maddux, Tom Glavine, Frank Thomas, Mike Mussina and Jeff Kent all viable first-time 2014 choices, I could have more good choices than available spots. Should the Hall change the rules to allow for more than 10 votes per ballot? It's a legitimate question as the voting has begun to reflect the messiness and complications of the Steroid Era.

Wednesday, January 09, 2013

Doing the research The New York Times won't do

By Ann Coulter
http://www.anncoulter.com
January 9, 2012


In Sunday's New York Times, Elisabeth Rosenthal claimed, as the title of her article put it, "More Guns = More Killing." She based this on evidence that would never be permitted in any other context at the Times: (1) anecdotal observations; and (2) bald assertions of an activist, blandly repeated with absolutely no independent fact-checking by the Times.

There is an academic, peer-reviewed, long-term study of the effect of various public policies on public, multiple shootings in all 50 states over a 20-year period performed by renowned economists at the University of Chicago and Yale, William Landes and John Lott. It concluded that the only policy to reduce the incidence of, and casualties from, mass shootings are concealed-carry laws. The Times will never mention this study.

Instead, Rosenthal's column proclaimed that armed guards do not reduce crime because: "I recently visited some Latin American countries ... where guards with guns grace every office lobby, storefront, ATM, restaurant and gas station. It has not made those countries safer or saner."

So there you have it: The cock crowed, then the sun came up. Therefore, the cock's crowing caused the sun to come up. Rosenthal went to Harvard Medical School.

Here's a tip: High-crime areas are often bristling with bulletproof glass, heavy-duty locks, gated windows and armed guards. The bulletproof glass doesn't cause the crime; it's a response to crime. On Rosenthal's logic, hospitals kill people because more people die in hospitals than outside of them.

(In any event, the Lott-Landes study didn't recommend armed guards, but armed citizens.)

Rosenthal also produces a demonstrably false statistic about Australia's gun laws, as if it's a fact that has been carefully vetted by the Newspaper of Record, throwing in the true source only at the tail-end of the paragraph:

"After a gruesome mass murder in 1996 provoked public outrage, Australia enacted stricter gun laws, including a 28-day waiting period before purchase and a ban on semiautomatic weapons. ... Since, rates of both homicide and suicide have dropped 50 percent ...," said Ms. Peters, who lobbied for the legislation."

"Ms. Peters" is Rebecca Peters, a George Soros-funded, Australian anti-gun activist so extreme that she had to resign from the International Action Network on Small Arms so as not to discredit the U.N.-recognized organization -- which isn't easy to further discredit.

Could the Times' public editor weigh in on whether unsubstantiated quotes from radical activists are now considered full and complete evidence at the Times?

It would be as if the Times headlined an article, "Abortion Increases Risk of Breast Cancer" with the sole support being a quote from Operation Rescue's Randall Terry. (Except Terry would have evidence.)

Whether or not the homicide rate went up or down in Australia as a result of strict gun control laws imposed in 1997 is a fact that could have been checked by Times researchers. But they didn't, because facts wouldn't have given them the answer they wanted.

Needless to say, the effect of Australia's gun ban has been extensively researched by Australian academics. As numerous studies have shown: After the gun ban, gun homicides in Australia did not decline any more than they were expected to without a gun ban.

Thus, for example, according to the Australian Institute of Criminology, the homicide rate has been in steady decline from 1969 to the present, with only one marked uptick in 1998-99 -- right after the gun ban was enacted.

The showstopper for anti-gun activists like Ms. Rosenthal and Ms. Peters is the fact that suicides by firearm seemed to decrease more than expected after the 1997 gun ban.

But so did suicides by other means. Something other than the gun ban must have caused people to stop guzzling poison and jumping off bridges. (Some speculate that it's the availability of anti-depressants like Prozac.)

Curiously -- and not mentioned by Rosenthal -- the number of accidental firearms deaths skyrocketed after Australia's 1997 gun ban, although the law included stringent gun training requirements.

It turns out, until the coroner has certified a death as a "suicide," it's classified as "unintentional." So either mandatory gun training has led to more accidents, or a lot of suicides are ending up in the "accident" column.

Most pinheadedly, especially for a graduate of the Harvard Medical School, Rosenthal says: "Before (the gun ban), Australia had averaged one mass shooting a year. (Since then,) there have been no mass killings."

Mass murder is a rare enough crime that any statistician will tell you discerning trends is impossible. In this country, the FBI doesn't even track mass murder as a specific crime category.

After Truman Capote's "In Cold Blood" killers slaughtered the entire Clutter family in Holcomb, Kan., the murder rate in that quiet farming town went up 400 percent in a single year! Was it Holcomb's big showing at the 4-H club competition that year?

Totally unbeknownst to Elisabeth Rosenthal, Australian academics have already examined the mass murder rate by firearm by comparing Australia to a control country: New Zealand. (Do they teach "control groups" at Harvard?)

New Zealand is strikingly similar to Australia. Both are isolated island nations, demographically and socioeconomically similar. Their mass murder rate before Australia's gun ban was nearly identical: From 1980 to 1996, Australia's mass murder rate was 0.0042 incidents per 100,000 people and New Zealand's was 0.0050 incidents per 100,000 people.

The principal difference is that, post-1997, New Zealand remained armed to the teeth -- including with guns that were suddenly banned in Australia.

While it's true that Australia has had no more mass shootings since its gun ban, neither has New Zealand, despite continuing to be massively armed.

The only thing Australia's strict gun control laws has clearly accomplished is increasing the amount of violent crime committed with guns immediately after the ban took effect. Of course, Times reporters don't have to worry about violent muggings, rapes and robberies because they live in doorman buildings.

For those who can't afford fancy doorman buildings, bad journalism kills.

COPYRIGHT 2013 ANN COULTER
DISTRIBUTED BY UNIVERSAL UCLICK 

Nagel a petty pick


Jan 9, 2013 By Jonah Goldberg
http://www.nationalreview.com
It’s official. President Obama has named former senator Chuck Hagel (R., Neb.) as his nominee for secretary of defense. Hence, we may be in store for the worst defense-secretary-nomination fight since George H. W. Bush’s failed appointment of Senator John Tower (R., Texas) more than 20 years ago.

The interesting question is, why? Why waste the political capital? Why pass over more qualified candidates who would sail through confirmation, including Michele Flournoy — who’d be the first female defense secretary?

The most ridiculous answer is among the mainstream media’s favorites: bipartisanship. According to Politico, the choice “appeals to Obama’s bipartisan spirit.” The Washington Post, in a front-page news story, says that “Hagel’s successful nomination would add a well-known Republican to the president’s second-term Cabinet at a time when he is looking to better bridge the partisan divide, particularly after a bitter election campaign.”

What is particularly bizarre about this talking point is that it often appears in articles that go on to talk about how tough and grueling the nomination battle will be thanks to strong Republican opposition. So which is it? Is it a bridge across the partisan divide? Or is it an “in-your-face” nomination (South Carolina senator Lindsey Graham’s words) aimed at eliciting a fight with Republicans?

From the perspective of nearly everyone on the right, it’s the latter. Whether it’s payback for the scuttled non-nomination of Susan Rice to be secretary of state or whether it’s simply of a piece with Obama’s efforts to divide and conquer the GOP that were on display throughout the “fiscal cliff” negotiations, the consensus in much of conservative Washington is that Obama is making this nomination at least in part out of spite.

Indeed, that’s one major reason Hagel has so many unlikely friends these days. Hagel — never overburdened with too heavy a reputation for insight, knowledge, or humility — is loathed, with ample justification, by many foreign-policy hawks, Israel supporters, and neocons (those are overlapping but hardly synonymous groups, by the way). He is arguably the most prominent opponent of sanctions on bad actors in the Middle East. He’s heaped scorn on those who would take a hard line with Iran. His geopolitical acumen is of the sort that fails to shine even in the comment sections on blogs. The Iraq war, for example, was according to Hagel a war for oil.

And Hagel’s views on Israel are, to be generous, hard to reconcile with those of the man who successfully campaigned for president just a couple of months ago as a staunch friend of that country. Even if Hagel’s gaffe about the perfidious influence of the domestic “Jewish lobby” was accidental, his coolness to Israel is hard to dispute. For instance, when Palestinian suicide bombers were tearing the country apart in 2002, Hagel insisted in an op-ed article that this was the time for Israel to “take steps to show its commitment to peace.”

For some, the thinking seems to be that if the Hagel nomination is a thumb in the eye of the neocon crowd, it must be worth it. David Greenberg writes in the New Republic that many “liberals are bending over backward to praise Hagel, in effect saying they would prefer an archconservative male mediocrity to a liberal female rising star.” Why? Because punishing Hagel’s enemies is worth a potentially lousy defense secretary.

This spirit results in some really batty arguments for Hagel’s confirmation. For instance, New York Times columnist Roger Cohen writes that the “chief” reason Hagel should be confirmed is that doing so “will provoke a serious debate on what constitutes real friendship toward Israel.” Even if you agree with Cohen’s barmy views of geopolitical “friendship,” Hagel’s got real problems if this is the best case for his nomination.

The Defense Department faces imminent cuts, Chinese and Russian nationalism are ascendant, the Middle East is becoming even more destabilized and theocratic, and we’re still at war in Afghanistan, but Hagel’s chief qualification is that he’ll be a great conversation starter? Wow.

The coming nomination fight will undoubtedly focus on the strength of the case against Hagel. But the real indictment of Obama’s pick is the weakness of the case for Hagel — and the pettiness of the pick in the first place.
— Jonah Goldberg is editor-at-large of National Review Online and a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. You can write to him by e-mail at JonahsColumn@aol.com, or via Twitter @JonahNRO© 2013 Tribune Media Services, Inc.

Tuesday, January 08, 2013

Current TV employees introduced to new owners, Al Gore conspicuously absent

**Written by Doug Powers
http://www,michellemalkin.com
January 8, 2012



Al Gore, a co-founder of Current TV, recently sold the network to oil-backed Al Jazeera. Gore was so proud of the sale that when the staff was introduced to the new owners he decided to share his glee with... nobody:



Yesterday morning, the still shell shocked staff at Current TV was called to an all hands staff meeting at its San Francisco headquarters, which was teleconferenced to their offices in LA and NYC, to meet their new bosses.

That would be two of Al Jazeera’s top guys: Ehab Al Shihabi, executive director of international operations, and Muftah AlSuwaidan, general manager of the London bureau.

Ominously missing was the creator of Current, the self proclaimed inventor of the Internet and savior of clean energy, Al Gore, although his partner, Joel Hyatt, stood proudly with the Al Jazeera honchos.

“Of course Al didn’t show up,” said one high placed Current staffer. “He has no credibility.

“He’s supposed to be the face of clean energy and just sold [the channel] to very big oil, the emir of Qatar! Current never even took big oil advertising — and Al Gore, that bulls***ter sells to the emir?”


The meeting, while not contentious, was, according to staffers who spoke on the condition of anonymity, miserable.



Did Gore, who is by some accounts now richer than Mitt Romney, have some hypocrisy-induced shame or was his absence merely due to a previously scheduled engagement that required him to fire up the jet to fly halfway around the world to address an emergency strategy session about greenhouse gas reduction?

More:



"Al was always lecturing us about green. He kept his word about green all right — as in cold, hard cash!" the staffer added.



This can only come as a surprise to those who have been living in an eco-friendly bubble of denial for far too long.

(h/t JWF)

**Written by Doug Powers

Twitter @ThePowersThatBe

'Justified' duo Raylan and Boyd are bound by history

By Bill Keveney
USA Today
http://www.usatoday.com
January 7, 2013


The relationship between Raylan Givens and Boyd Crowder has become the 'crux' of the FX series.

SANTA CLARITA, Calif. -- It always comes down to Raylan and Boyd.
The two Justified antagonists, Deputy U.S. Marshal Raylan Givens (Timothy Olyphant) and his opposite number, drug kingpin Boyd Crowder (Walton Goggins), are together in a scene, not so much at odds for a change as they try to figure a way out of captivity by dangerous Kentucky hill folk.
As crew members on this set, 40 miles northwest of downtown Los Angeles, prepare an explosion that could lead to the characters' escape from a rundown shack, Olyphant jokes, "Is this where we run out and get shot, and the season's over?"
Not likely. The relationship of the two characters, who have ties stretching back to their youth in Kentucky's coal-mining country, has become a linchpin of the acclaimed and award-winning FX series, which returns for Season 4 Tuesday (10 ET/PT). "It's critical," executive producer Graham Yost says. In fact, this season it takes center stage.
It also didn't necessarily have to happen. Boyd died in Fire in the Hole, the Elmore Leonard short story about a quick-drawing, Stetson-wearing deputy U.S. marshal that inspired the series. But on television, Boyd has become the yin to Raylan's yang, an irritant that keeps drawing the marshal, physically and psychologically, back home to the hills of Harlan County.
"We had our doubts about killing off Boyd, even as we were killing him off in the first go-round of the pilot. Walton's so wonderful, and Walton and Tim together are so wonderful," Yost says.
"Boyd's ability to hold up a dark mirror to Raylan was pretty invaluable," he says. "This show wouldn't be on the air without Tim playing Raylan, but I think right behind that, it would have a tough time if we didn't have Boyd."
The relationship between the two is "the crux of the show," Olyphant agrees. Justified is "about Raylan Givens. But Boyd is a large part of his history, and grounds him in this world, and is a witness to this journey that he's been on."
And a participant. Both know about life in the mines and each has been involved with Boyd's current love, Ava (Joelle Carter). And Raylan's estranged father, Arlo (Raymond Barry), is both a member of Boyd's criminal gang and a father figure to him, going so far as to confessing to a murder Boyd committed to spare him a prison term.
Boyd "may be a surrogate son, but there's nothing like blood. Boyd is the kind of blood one would establish in a gang," says Barry. As for Raylan, "regardless of what transpires, there's a primal love that a father would feel toward his son."
This season, there's no major outside threat as in the past, such as rural crime matriarch Mags Bennett (Margo Martindale) or Detroit mobster Robert Quarles (Neil McDonough). (Season 3 averaged a healthy 3.9 million viewers per episode, and the series has earned Emmys for Martindale and Jeremy Davies, who plays her son, Dickie.)
"This year, we've brought it back to the core group, which allows us to in some ways exercise what I think is our greatest strength -- longer scenes, not as complicated, and you get to hear this Elmore-speak," Goggins says. He's referring to the best-selling author's distinct way with wry personalities and dry humor. "In some ways, it's kind of coming back to the way we first started the show."
Opposites attract
On the set, the mood is light but professional. In this scene, Raylan and Boyd are imprisoned in a small, corrugated-metal container inside the shack, decorated rustically with animal pelts, leg traps and lanterns.
Between scenes, the actors, each a one-time Emmy nominee for his role, display separate styles. The thoughtful Goggins, 41, is coiled intensity, exhibiting a taut style he used to great effect on another lauded FX drama, The Shield. He psyches himself up for scenes with almost a growl: "Let's bring some energy into this!"
It was that previous FX experience that persuaded Goggins to take the role of Boyd, a philosophizing troublemaker with nine lives, in the Justified pilot, even knowing the fate of the then-white supremacist in Leonard's story. But the actor, who has recently appeared inLincoln and Django Unchained, is happy he survived.
"I'm surprised and very grateful (that) four years in, I still don't know exactly who Boyd Crowder is. I still don't know everything that makes the relationship between Boyd Crowder and Raylan Givens tick," says Goggins, who meticulously chooses his words. "I'm as curious today as I was the first day we started filming the pilot."
The lanky Olyphant, 44, is just as serious about the scene, but with a relaxed confidence that probably served him well as a competitive swimmer in college. It fits his character, an old-school, slightly world-weary lawman whose belief in his own abilities gets him out of scrapes that his at-times impulsive, even reckless, behavior causes.
During a break, the Deadwood veteran walks around with hands bound by leather straps, not bothering to have an assistant undo them. At one point, he skillfully manages to pick up a paper cup and take a sip. At another, he narrates his co-star's energizing, pre-scene ritual: "Walton Goggins. On the set. Doing his thing."
But Olyphant's easy air shouldn't be mistaken for nonchalance. During one break, the actor, now a co-executive producer, approaches the episode's writer with an idea. He delights in the producing role. "This is the best part of the job. They've given me a lot of room and I've taken full advantage of it," he says."Someone cracked the door open and I knocked it down and backed up the truck and moved in."
Olyphant and Goggins are on friendly terms: a joke here, a quick shoulder squeeze there. After the scene, as they pose for a photo in the shack, Goggins suggests to Olyphant: "Why don't you wear this raccoon hat?"
His colleague demurs, preferring the character's signature headwear. "You didn't know Raylan and Boyd were vegans, did you?" Goggins says.
"We really do have a good time," Goggins says later. "I respect him as an actor and I love him as a person. There's no ego. I so enjoy figuring out the truth with Tim. He's my buddy. Boyd Crowder may not always think the world of Raylan Givens, but Walton Goggins thinks the world of Tim Olyphant."
And their styles complement each other. "Tim is very good at bringing humor," Goggins says. "He's always looking for the humor, and I'm always looking for the heart. ... It's a real nice combination."
Cold case heats up
This season, a 30-year-old cold case, reignited when something is found in the wall of Raylan's childhood home, serves as the core mystery, eventually bringing the two together in the same pursuit, if not with the same motivation.
"It was this huge federal investigation of a guy who was presumed dead and could potentially, if still alive, bring down some very powerful people in crime," Olyphant says. "When word gets out that he might be alive and well, everybody's looking for him for different reasons."
It "causes this tremendous upheaval in all these people's lives and there's a lot at stake for everybody involved," he says. "While some smaller chapters are going on through the season, this larger story is brewing and pulling everybody in. I find the whole thing to be very compelling."
Before their reunion in the shack, Raylan and Boyd spend early episodes apart. As a soon-to-be father, Raylan takes on some private fugitive apprehension work that would be frowned upon by his superiors. Winona, the mother of his unborn child, has left him, but her presence is still felt.
"He's got a kid coming. He's trying to make a little extra cash," Olyphant says. "I don't think he's got a clue of what he's gotten himself into" regarding the baby. As for the marshal's office, Raylan "still has his job, and he's managing. He's the kind of guy who causes a lot of problems but seems to get the job done."
Boyd, managing business as the drug kingpin of Harlan County, must deal with a snake-handling, Pentecostal preacher who is weaning valued customers from their addiction.
"One of the decisions we made going in (to Season 4) is we wanted to hold off on Raylan and Boyd actually seeing each other," Yost says. "To protect that relationship, we want to take a breather from it."
Olyphant likes the season's mix — new mystery, old adversary — and says the show can go in many directions, as long as it remains true to one core principle. "It's always good when it feels different yet familiar," he says. "One of the things that's so appealing about this show and the stories we tell is we don't have to be beholden to anything — as long as it feels like Elmore."

Elvis Birthday Bash, 'Aloha From Hawaii' CDs due Jan. 8


By Randy Lewis
The Los Angeles Times
http://www.latimes.com
1:20 PM PST, January 7, 2013




Elvis Presley would have turned 78 on Jan. 8, and even though he’s been gone for 35 years, the birthday celebrations continue. Here in Los Angeles, a grand tradition returns Tuesday night at the Echo in Echo Park, where the annual Elvis Birthday Bash will play out, as usual, with “all fun, no impersonators,” promises longtime co-organizer Art Fein.

This year’s lineup includes rockabilly veterans Ray Campi, Jimmy Angel and Rip Masters, alt-rock singer-songwriter Syd Straw and next-generation roots rockers including singer Karling Abbeygate. Other acts slated to perform include Church Keys, Count Smokula, Justin Curtis, Dick Deluxe, Fur Dixon and South Bay Surfers.

Most of the solo artists will be supported by the Elvis All-Star Band with Marty Rifkin, Harry Orlov, Skip Edwards, Paul Marshall and Dave Raven. Proceeds from this year’s show are being donated to the Los Angeles Mission.

In fitting tribute to the artist who broke so many rules as he helped usher in the age of rock 'n’ roll, only a few guidelines are imposed upon birthday bash performers: Nobody can repeat a song anyone else has played, and no “ETAs -- Elvis Tribute Artists.”

That phrase “is an actual professional term, I’ve learned,” Fein noted on the 25th anniversary of the event, which started in 1986 by rocker James Intveld and roots-rock promoter Ronnie Mack, who contines his role with Fein as co-organizer.

Meanwhile, Presley’s label, RCA Records, is marking this year’s anniversary with the release of  “Aloha From Hawaii Via Satellite -- Legacy Edition,” an expanded and remastered edition of his 1973 album from the first global satellite concert 40 years ago.

The two-CD set includes a remastered disc with the original concert, which reached No. 1 on the Billboard album chart upon its release in 1973 and knocked Pink Floyd’s “The Dark Side of the Moon” out of the top slot.  The second CD contains a remixed and remastered version of “The Alternate Aloha,” which is a rehearsal performance recorded as a “safety copy” with a slightly different set list, plus five additional songs Presley and his entourage recorded exclusively for the U.S.  broadcast, which was originally delayed so it wouldn’t compete with the theatrical film then in release, “Elvis on Tour.”

It’s the first time the original Hawaii concert and the alternate show have been together in one package. “The Alternate Aloha” originally appeared in an official release in 1988, and has been remixed from the original multi-track tapes, according to RCA/Legacy officials.

NHL, facing a game misconduct, rescues itself with a late save


By Published: January 7

The Washington Post
http://www.washingtonpost.com

The lockout of NHL players that dragged on for 113 days and cost the league more than half the season was a battle over money, as all collective bargaining negotiations are. More than that, though, it became a battle of egos, which is why it took so long to resolve issues that should have been agreed upon sometime last summer.
Gary Bettman was absolutely set on “winning,” because he had won his first two CBA negotiations as NHL commissioner — one costing more than half a season, the second costing an entire season. But his opponent this time, Donald Fehr, also had a perfect record — albeit in another sport.
In the end, they both lost. Hockey lost, and the sport’s remarkably loyal fans lost more than anyone.
Those fans will get a 48-game regular season with games coming at them nonstop and a lot of teams playing tired as the regular season ends. They will get Stanley Cup playoffs that will end shortly before the Fourth of July, and they will get a season in which they won’t see any foes from the opposite conference at all. So if you are a Washington Capitals fan, you won’t see your team play the defending Stanley Cup champion Los Angeles Kings unless both teams make it to this season’s finals.
When the ice chips finally cleared early Sunday morning, the owners walked away feeling as if they had closed loopholes in the salary cap and made some extra hockey revenue. The players walked away knowing they will still be very well-compensated — the minimum salary for an NHL player will go from $525,000 a year to $750,000 a year by the end of this deal.
Good for everyone. All it took was half a year of sniping and backbiting to get this done. The owners started it in July, demanding that the revenue split go from 57 percent to the players to 57 percent for the owners. Not only was there no way the players were going to come close to accepting those numbers, but such an outrageous opening offer set an angry tone that lasted almost six months.
The owners have tried — sometimes not so quietly — to portray Fehr as the black hat in all this, saying he wanted to stonewall and stall more than he wanted to truly negotiate.
That’s a convenient story line except for one thing: Fehr was still running the baseball players’ union when the first Bettman-led lockout took place in 1994 and was also still in baseball eight years ago when the entire NHL season was lost to a lockout. He was not the common denominator in any of this, but his presence clearly did make a difference for the union.
The owners can — and will — declare victory. They got the players to agree to a 50-50 split of revenues, and they got a term limit on contracts of seven years — eight for a player re-signing with the same team. That means there won’t be any more 13- or 14-year contracts like the ones some owners were handing out this summer (at the same time they were collectively demanding those limits). The owners also got next year’s salary cap lowered from a little more than $70 million to $64.3 million.
In many ways, though, it’s a Pyrrhic victory. Not only have both sides lost millions of dollars — perhaps billions by losing more than half a season — they also have damaged their image with those who care about their sport. What’s more, Bettman and the owners have infuriated NBC, their television partner, by costing the network the Winter Classic and the All-Star Game, not to mention more than three months of inventory desperately needed by the NBC Sports Network.
If there is one thing no commissioner wants to do, it is upset his television partners. That’s especially true in hockey with the new 10-year, $2 billion deal that NBC recently gave the NHL. Bettman has been running the NHL for almost 20 years, and he has helped bring some semblance of financial stability to the league — although he made a mistake in over-expanding, which created enough weak franchises that getting a salary cap and a 24 percent rollback in salaries eight years ago wasn’t enough to avoid another work stoppage.
But he clearly has come out of this battle weakened. He did not deliver on his promise to take down Fehr. If anything, the fact that the owners ended up accepting a deal that was, for all intents and purposes on the table for them to accept in early December and was rejected, makes it clear that Fehr’s willingness to go to court frightened the league.
If you listen to the owners, they weren’t at all afraid of that, believing that no U.S. court would rule in favor of a Canadian-based union. The baseball owners believed advisers who told them no court would rule against them in 1995 and lived to rue that day and that expectation.
The next 11 days will be about everyone getting back on the ice and beginning to talk hockey again, which is good news for all who care about the sport. There was one key issue left undecided: whether the league will take part in the Olympics in 2014. This should be a no-brainer. Olympic hockey has been a boon to the NHL, especially in 2010 when the gold medal game between the United States and Canada turned into a classic.
There are some on the Bettman/ownership side who don’t like stopping the season for two weeks for the Olympics. If they should prevail and the NHL pulls out of the Olympics, it will be a huge setback for the sport.
Hockey will survive, regardless. It lost an entire season and attendance actually went up slightly the next year. It has now gone through three bitter, damaging lockouts, and no doubt will find light at the end of this tunnel, too.
That’s testimony to hockey fans’ love of their sport. It doesn’t mean what just happened wasn’t ludicrous. The money issues could have and should have been resolved in August. Sadly, it took until now to finally resolve the ego issues.

For previous columns by John Feinstein, visit washingtonpost.com/feinstein.

Obama's Katrina

By Mona Charen
http://www.nationalreview.com
January 8, 2012


Just a few days after Hurricane Sandy devastated parts of New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut, the New York Times’s Paul Krugman crowed triumphantly about the federal government’s response to the disaster. “After Katrina the government seemed to have no idea what it was doing; this time it did. And that’s no accident: the federal government’s ability to respond effectively to disaster always collapses when antigovernment Republicans hold the White House, and always recovers when Democrats take it back.”
What a fairy tale. Mature adults understand that earthquakes, hurricanes, and other natural disasters are unfortunate facts of life. They further know that government agencies are, by their very nature, slow and lumbering animals.
Krugman was right about one thing, though. Sandy would not be Obama’s Katrina, because the press is on his side. President Obama parachuted into New Jersey after the storm and declared that he would not tolerate “red tape” or “bureaucracy” by the government. He then hopped back aboard Air Force One and resumed his campaign schedule. His admirers, including, alas, Governor Chris Christie of New Jersey and the besotted Krugman, swooned.
Six days after Katrina slammed into the Gulf Coast, President Bush’s presidency had been declared a failure and a disgrace. It was all FEMA’s fault, we were given to understand, and, by extension, Bush’s fault. It wasn’t the incompetence of local and state officials, or the levee collapse (a failure, by the way, that impartial observers lay at the feet of another government agency going back years, the Army Corps of Engineers). No, within a few days of the storm’s impact, Bush was an enemy of the people.
Six days after Sandy hit the East Coast, most of the press had utterly lost interest in the human toll, though thousands of people went without food, water, gasoline, or electricity for the better part of two weeks. The Washington Timesreported two weeks after Sandy, “Bodies are still being recovered in Staten Island. Chaos reigns in the streets of the outer boroughs. Residents have taken up arms — baseball bats, machetes, shotguns — as crime and looting soar.”
When New York senator Chuck Schumer visited Staten Island four days after the storm hit, a desperate constituent begged him, “Where is the government? We need gasoline! We’re gonna die. We’re gonna freeze.”
It took three days for the Red Cross to reach Staten Island — ditto for FEMA. For those without power or water, that’s a very long time. What happened to the “lean forward” strategy FEMA had supposedly put in place? What became of the prepositioning of supplies like water and blankets? Prepackaged meals and bottled water languished in Georgia and Maryland warehouses, reported Breitbart.com.
Other obstacles hampered the relief effort as well, including the insistence by the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers that linemen from other states join the union before being permitted to pitch in with power restoration. Red tape apparently sidelined as many as 500 others. Some 50 power generators and 150,000 blankets were sent to Joint Base McGuire-Dix-Lakehurst, a FEMA staging area in central New Jersey, but had still not been deployed nine days after the storm due to bureaucratic inertia.
Perhaps most damaging were the policies of the governments of New York and New Jersey forbidding “price gouging” on gasoline. As Russ Roberts of the Hoover Institution noted drily, “There was no gouging, and there was no gas.” Had stations been able to raise prices even temporarily, it would have been cost-effective to lease generators to pump the gas out of in-ground tanks, where it sat, untapped, for more than a week. Instead, people could not stir from their frozen homes even to pick up supplies at the supermarkets, far less to reach medical care or help stranded elderly relatives. Lack of gasoline significantly prolonged the suffering caused by the storm.
Because their governments refused to allow prices to rise temporarily, residents of New Jersey and New York sat on lines for as much as three hours hoping to fill their tanks — sometimes only to find at the end of the ordeal that the available gas was gone. In New York, where the government decided to give gas away for free from the few working stations, there were scenes of desperation, fist fights, and worse.
This is not to say that government has no proper role in disaster relief, merely that there are clear lessons from the failures of the Sandy response that are being missed as the Krugmans of this world strain themselves applauding Obama.
— Mona Charen is a nationally syndicated columnist. © 2013 Creators Syndicate, Inc.

Monday, January 07, 2013

Nurture Shock: How Praise, Protection And PBS Are Ruining Our Kids

By Kari Henley
http://www.huffingtonpost.com
February 7, 2010


With the rise of stay at home dads, Einstein babies and hyper competition, being a kid today is radically different than it was a generation ago. As a parent, I have to say that I find the controlled environments and high expectations surrounding how to raise our children to be so different from when I was a kid that it is hard to keep up.
This blog is the first in a two-part series exploring the recent trends in "Over-Parenting." Today, I will focus on some of the circumstances involving younger children, and next week I will turn to teens.
While there are many improvements for life as a kid today - like car seats and really cool playground equipment - a lot of things are downright stressful and disappointing. Here is a top ten list of things I personally can't stand as a modern American parent:
  1. Playdates. 

  2. Endless "after school activities" that eliminate dinner altogether

  3. Uggs, Beatles Guitar Hero and cell phones for 9 year-olds

  4. The lack of freedom for kids to ride bikes all over town for fun

  5. No paper routes or lawn mowing or weed pulling for extra cash

  6. No more "Come Home When the Streetlights Are On" neighborhood standards

  7. Fighting constantly to "downshift" our family routine.

  8. Having to serve macaroni & cheese or pizza at every kid gathering

  9. Texting instead of using the spoken word to communicate

  10. Eight% of kids walking to school today vs. over 75% when I was a kid.
What has HAPPENED to us as parents? We bought into the notion that the world is a very scary place, when it is safer than ever. Toddlers are strapped down with every safety device known to man just to get out and learn to rollerskate or ride a bike, and all of their recreational time is carefully planned and monitored from the moment they can crawl.
We have succumbed to the consumer haze, and sold our souls to China. The seductive acceleration of our time over-saturates kids with choices, over-books their time with activities, and pushes them to stress before they should ever know the word.
I recently read a groundbreaking book for parents: NutureShock- New Thinking About Children by Po Bronson and Ashley Merryman. I was underlining like mad, dog earring pages left and right, and calling my husband every five seconds to read a passage. It's a must-read. Essentially, the take-away is that parents today are treating their kids as if they are mini-adults, when, in fact, they require vastly different tools and parameters to grow up.
Similar to Malcom Gladwell, Bronson and Merryman are journalists who know how to wrangle out some of the most groundbreaking research on children that has been conducted in years, and put it all together in a series of topics that will knock your socks off - like why kids lie, how praising kids paralyzes their growth, and how our focus on "prosocial" TV shows is contributing to relational aggression and bullying.
Let's face it, adults like to be praised. It raises our motivation, and is a key tool in any business environment. However, when children are constantly praised and told they are "smart," it reduces their confidence and motivation. Kids who are touted as smart are often afraid to tackle a challenge because they perceive they should be able to get it instantly. They stop trying.
Rather, children are best served by being praised for their efforts. 'Trying hard,' or 'doing your best' encourages their sense of autonomy and ability, rather than a vague notion of being smart. Think it's easy? Parents have the hardest time remodeling this one, but kids respond almost instantly.
One of the most controversial and potent chapters in the book revolves around "nice" TV, and its potential contribution to the rise in bullying. Interestingly enough, it appears kids are not watching any more TV than a generation ago, but the new trend in programming is towards "prososcial" shows often seen on PBS like Clifford and Caillou or even Sponge Bob. They are supposed to teach our kids how to be 'nice.'
But, it isn't working. We have forgotten that kids do not function like adults, who can learn a resolution or moral of a story at the end. The conflict is what they ingest. Dr. Jamie Ostrov and Dr. Douglas Gentile spent two years studying preschool kids from well off Minnesota families and monitored the types of television programming they watched; from the more violent Power Rangers to the educational PBS shows like Arthur.
They were shocked to discover the increase in any sort of physical aggression was no different between the two, and even more astounded to find that the educational television had a dramatic effect on "relational aggression," which shows up in comments like, "you're not my friend," or "we're not going to play with you anymore."
How can this be? I can see all the new parents bemoaning it now; PBS essentially saves the sanity of any adult who is raising a toddler- don't take that away! Yet, check this out: Ithaca conducted a follow up study to review 470 half-hour television programs commonly watched by children, and recorded every time a character insulted someone or put someone down.
Ninety-six percent of all children's programming includes verbal insults, and of the 2,628 put-downs identified, only 50 circumstances featured some sort of reprimand or correction -- and not once in an educational show. "Fully 84 percent of the time there was only laughter or no response at all," found Dr. Cynthia Scheibe.
"The more kids watched, the crueler they'd be to their classmates," Ostorov reported from the Minnesota study. "The correlation was 2.5 times higher than the correlation between violent media and physical aggression. They were increasingly bossy, controlling, and manipulative, and it was stronger than the connection between violent media and physical aggression."
As a mother, I fully understand the power of guilt, and feeing guilty or responsible for every imperfection in our kids, or every misstep we may take as a parent. This book is not meant to make all of us feel guilty that we are wrecking our children's lives, but rather presents solid and even uplifting revelations into the unique make up of what kids need. Bottom line, kids need some conflict, they need to fight with their siblings, they lie, and they might even benefit from seeing their parents fight when they can also witness the resolution.
Some of the traditional concepts of more free time, being bored, setting consistent rules and not fretting over a game of cowboys and Indians may not be so bad after all.
Let's start a dialogue here this week and next. What say you, parents of younger children? Are you stressed out and wondering what happened to parenting life? What do you think of some of the current parenting trends- both positive and negative? Leave a comment below, and follow us on Twitter and Facebook.
Follow Kari Henley on Twitter: www.twitter.com/karihenley