Monday, June 22, 2015

Review: ‘The Cartel,’ by Don Winslow, Continues a Drug Saga

By Janet Maslin
http://www.nytimes.com/
June 18, 2015
On the opening page of “The Cartel,”Don Winslow mixes a baby’s cry with the sound of a helicopter’s blades in a predawn raid. That’s reminiscent of his 2005 novel, “The Power of the Dog,” which also used a baby on its opening page. “The baby is dead in his mother’s arms,” that book began, and went on to describe the horrific image of a bullet-riddled Madonna and child in Mexico. It was the first step into what would become Mr. Winslow’s drug war version of “The Godfather,” with all the grand ambition that implies.
“The Cartel” is a big, sprawling, ultimately stunning crime tableau that can be read as a stand-alone. But the ideal approach, if you can make the leap and commitment, is to read the two books in sequence as a Part 1 and a Part 2. Together, the two span nearly 1,200 pages and 40 years and present a multifaceted view of what is, in Mr. Winslow’s opinion, America’s longest war: the war on drugs. “The Power of the Dog” covers the first 30 years, during which the war was fought on a much more intimate scale than it was from 2004 to 2014, the period covered by “The Cartel.”
Though the two books are filled with equally vicious reality-based events, “The Cartel” reflects the grim latter-day shift from traditional gangster tactics to those of global terrorism. The new book’s cartels have their own private, monstrously media-savvy armies that reflect the basic thinking of Al Qaeda. As one of Mr. Winslow’s characters puts it: “What good is an atrocity if no one knows you did it?”
“The Cartel” picks up at a relatively easy entrance point in this crowded and complicated story. The first book’s main characters, Art Keller and Adán Barrera, who met young and went on to become a Drug Enforcement Administration agent and a Sonora cartel kingpin, remain sworn enemies. Much of what happened in the first book guarantees that they will stay that way. One, as a private joke, has sworn to himself that he will put poppies on the other’s grave.
As “The Cartel” begins, Barrera still holds court and runs an empire with a mannerliness that recalls Corleone-style noblesse oblige. But he does it from inside the Metropolitan Correctional Center in San Diego, where, at 50, he faces multiple lifetime sentences. Even the quick synopsis of what Keller did to trick Barrera onto United States soil is enough to justify the undying enmity between them. They have no intention of ending their grudge match, just as Barrera has no intention of staying incarcerated for very long. (Certain details, like how the Barrera clan celebrates Christmas in prison, comes from Mr. Winslow’s extensive research into real figures in the drug war.)
“The Cartel” has so many moving parts that there is reason to envy Keller the Christmas he spends all alone, eating a frozen dinner, studying the spreadsheets and background data the book never provides in consolidated form. There are so many murderous grudges and so many shifting gang allegiances that parts of the book require close attention; you may even find yourself backing up a time or two.
What is never confusing, though, is the degree of vengefulness and corruption that has been bred into some of the cartel’s soldiers at shockingly early ages. And since the command of choice here is to inflict pain as frighteningly as possible, there are no scarier words a captive can hear than “you’re next.”
Mr. Winslow, a cult favorite for many reasons, has written about a different milieu — California’s surf and drug culture — much more stylishly (“The Dawn Patrol”) and conversationally (“Savages”) than he writes here. “The Cartel,” like “The Power of the Dog,” can be better appreciated for its gritty, gasp-inducing knowledge of true crime’s brutal extremes, and for its unflinching awareness of what Mr. Winslow calls “evil beyond the possibility of redemption.”
Even tougher than the outright violence is the slow destruction of idealists — be they in journalism, medicine, intellectual life, government or just in search of a more lawful Mexican society — who think they can escape the long shadow of this ugliness, and who one after another are proved horribly wrong. “The Cartel,” which involves graphic beheading and dismembering, is dedicated to a long list of journalists who have been killed or have “disappeared” in the Mexican drug wars.
But there are high spirits and comic relief to be found in the way that much of the drug lords’ and want-to-bes’ self-images come from American popular culture. Many of the characters seem to think of themselves à la “The Godfather,” to the point where “Al Pacino” can be used as a verb, however badly. To “Al Pacino him” seems to denote a revenge killing in a restaurant, even if the crucial gun-hidden-in-the-bathroom part is skipped to save time. To become a famous gangster means to have a movie made about you, although one of the most appealingly thickheaded killers here doesn’t understand why he needs to be punished at the story’s end.
Mr. Winslow, who has rightly been compared to James Ellroy (and praised by Mr. Ellroy) for his ability to capture an entire crime culture in the sweep of “The Cartel,” leaves room for at least one smart, interesting woman to play the drug lords’ game better than the men do. But as in all great crime fiction, the game is as damning as it is seductive and not conducive to happily-ever-afters. “The Cartel” culminates in a near-symphonic array of lethal coups de grace, written with such hallucinatory intensity that the whole book seems to have turned into a synchronized fireworks display. And still Mr. Winslow adds one last, hellish image that “takes the freakin’ cake.” To make sure this story is something you won’t forget.

THE CARTEL

By Don Winslow
Illustrated. 616 pages. Alfred A. Knopf. $27.95.

Sunday, June 21, 2015

Stella McCartney’s New “Anti-Cruelty” Fashion Line Celebrates Fidel Castro and Che Guevara

Humberto Fontova | Jun 19, 2015

Fashionistas attend garden party with ‘Guevara’ and ‘Castro’
Stella McCartney attends her Resort Presentation in New York.Photo: Getty Images
With a little help from her friendly Dad (Paul) Stella McCartney has made quite a name for herself as an ultra-chic fashion designer. This week she introduced her spring line on Manhattan’s Elizabeth Street with a Cuba-themed garden party where Fidel Castro and Che Guevara featured among the main props of the cheeky soiree.
The Stalinist mass-murderers featured both as mannequins and as live costumed humans who walked around posing for pictures with the ultra-chic models and guests along with the delighted (and scrupulously vegetarian) hostess.
In keeping with Stella McCartney’s “anti-cruelty” beliefs the event featured strictly vegetarian foodstuffs. None of that musty “generation-gap” stuff for Stella. That stuff is “SOOOO 60’s” after all. Instead she’s a proud Daddy’s girl, and as such a proud vegetarian and PETA spokesperson. Indeed, Stella ritually denounces many fellow fashion designers as “heartless” should leather or-- heaven forbid!—fur show up in any of their creations.
“The collection is a celebration of spring: new life, color, hope, energy and fun!” gushed McCartney about her spring line. “It’s about flowers and color and I love designing spring. Cuba is just to have some fun. Fun on top of fun!”
“Cuba libre!” was how Style titled the event.
In case any Saturday Night Live or Comedy Central writers are perusing Townhall today here's a few ideas for scripts and skits:
The main props to Stella McCartney’s “Fun, Joy, Life and Anti-Cruelty!”- themed garden party founded a regime that jailed and tortured political prisoners at a higher rate than Stalin’s during the Great Terror and murdered more Cubans in his first three years in power than Hitler’s murdered Germans during his first six. Her “Peace & Love” icons also craved—and came closest of anyone in history-- to wantonly igniting a world-wide nuclear war.
In the above process the props to Stella McCartney’s “Fun!” themed party converted a nation with a higher per-capita income than half of Europe and a huge influx of immigrants into one that repels Haitians and boasts the highest suicide rate in the Western Hemisphere.
Over twenty-times as many Cubans have died attempting to escape the “Fun!” Cuba of Stella McCartney’s garden party props as Germans died trying to escape East Germany. And the Cubans died much more horribly; of exposure, thirst, drowning or eaten alive by sharks. The (relatively) lucky ones were machine-gunned to death much like East Berlin escapees.
Fidel Castro and Che Guevara also made it a criminal offense for their Cuban subjects to listen to Stella's Dad's music. During the mid 60’s Castro and Che’s ever-vigilant STASI-trained secret police was very scrupulous in ferreting out the counter-revolutionary crime of listening to the Beatles. The hapless Cuban youths detected in this crime were herded into forced labor camps at Soviet bayonet point (Full documentation for these seemingly preposterous claims, including accounts by Cuban torture-victims themselves can be found here.)
Among Stella's Dad's most famous quotes we find: "All You Need is Love!"
Well, among the cheekiest quotes by her garden-party props and icons we find these:
* “My nostrils dilate while savoring the acrid odor of gunpowder and blood!"
* “Crazy with fury I will stain my rifle red while slaughtering any surrendered enemy that falls in my hands! With the deaths of my enemies I prepare my being for the sacred fight and join the triumphant proletariat with a bestial howl!”
*“I’d like to confess, papa, at that moment I discovered that I really like killing.”
*“Hatred is the central element of our struggle!... Hatred that is intransigent…Hatred so violent that it propels a human being beyond his natural limitations, making him violent and cold- blooded killing machine…We reject any peaceful approach. Violence is inevitable. To establish socialism rivers of blood must flow. “
* If the nuclear missiles had remained (in Cuba) we would have fired them against the heart of the U.S. including New York City. The victory of socialism is well worth millions of atomic victims!” (Full documentation for all of the above quotes can be found here.)
Thus spaketh the icon of flower-children, and apparently of the daughter of one very famous flower child. Please note: had Nikita Khrushchev had not yanked the nuclear missiles from her garden party icon in the nick of time on that fateful October 28th of 1962, the very site of Stella McCartney’s garden party would be radioactive.
The regime founded by Stella McCartney’s fun-loving party props jailed and tortured 35,150 Cuban women for political crimes, a totalitarian horror utterly unknown—not only in Cuba—but in the Western Hemisphere until her party icons assumed absolute power to world applause. Some of these Cuban ladies suffered twice as long in Castro’s Gulag as Alexander Solzhenitsyn suffered in Stalin’s.
Their prison conditions were described by former political prisoner Maritza Lugo. “The punishment cells measure 3 feet wide by 6 feet long. The toilet consists of an 8 inch hole in the ground through which cockroaches and rats enter, especially in cool temperatures the rat come inside to seek the warmth of our bodies and we were often bitten. The suicide rate among women prisoners was very high.” When suffering their tortures most of these women were in their 20’s.
An estimated 16,000 Cubans were murdered by firing squad by Stella McCartney’s garden party icons. Here we see videos of Stella's fashion icons putting their words into action. (Warning, graphic content.)
Murder on video hardly started with ISIS. The ones above on the orders of Che Guevara and Fidel Castro date from 1959. Some of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara’s murder victims were women much younger than Stella McCartney. On Christmas Eve of 1961 a young Cuban woman named Juana Figueroa Diaz spat in the face of the executioners who were binding and gagging her. Castro and Che’s Russian-trained secret police had found her guilty of feeding and hiding “bandits” (Cuban rednecks who took up arms to fight the Stalinist theft of their land to build Soviet –style Kolkhozes.) When the blast from Castroite firing squad demolished her face and torso Juana was six months pregnant.
Thousands of Cuban women have drowned, died of thirst or have been eaten alive by sharks attempting to flee the horrors imposed on the Cuban people by Stella McCartney’s “FUN(!)” party icons. This from a nation formerly richer than half the nations of Europe whose citizens considered the U.S. their “vacation playground.” Yes in 1953 more Cubans vacationed (then voluntarily returned home) from the U.S. than Americans vacationed in Cuba.
Alas! The above item doesn’t appear in Godfather II so it’s mostly unknown.

Saturday, June 20, 2015

Jaws: The shark that changed everything


By Liam Lacey
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/
June 25, 2012


Steven Spielberg

“It's all psychological,” says Mayor Vaughn in Jaws, “You yell ‘barracuda,’ everybody says, ‘Huh? What?’ – you yell ‘shark,’ we've got a panic on our hands on the Fourth of July.”
Panic on the Fourth of July has become commonplace at the movies since Jaws was first released in 1975. As the film hits Toronto screens in advance of its Blu-ray release in August, it’s right at home with box-office bait such as Prometheus and Spider-Man.
That’s because Jaws, the tale of a great white shark that terrorizes a small seaside town, remains the template for summer blockbusters. Over the years, of course, there have been a few changes. Instead of three white men (Roy Scheider, Richard Dreyfuss and Robert Shaw), our saviours might be African-Americans or women.
But thanks to Jaws, the summer movie now means non-stop action, spectacle and suspense mixed with snippets of grim comedy. And thanks to Jaws, Hollywood now makes more than half of its revenues from May to August with just the kind of movies that have a natural kinship with the summer theme park rides they inspire.
The film even evoked reactions suited to theme park rides. At a Dallas preview for Jaws, Steven Spielberg recalls, he saw a man rush out of the theatre after the scene where the shark kills a child. The nervous director assumed he was seeing the beginning of a mass exodus. Instead, the man vomited onto the lobby carpet, went to the washroom – and then returned to his seat.
“That’s when I knew we had a hit.”
Jaws was something more than just a hit, however, It represents a decisive turning point in Hollywood movie history, as big in its way as The Jazz Singer or Avatar.
To start, it brought a decisive end to a five-year box office recession, becoming the first movie to earn $100-million (U.S.). It was also the first movie to be widely advertised on television (up to 35 spots a night). And the film’s influence includes a steady stream of creature features – from Ridley Scott’s Alien (pitched as “Jaws in space”) to this year’s spoof Piranha 3DD.
More importantly, the movie ushered in the rise of the B-movie in Hollywood. When Peter Benchley, the author of the bestselling novel the movie is based on, sneered that Spielberg would be remembered only as a “unit director” of action sequences, he missed the point: Hit movies from then on would be primarily about action sequences.
For some film lovers, in fact, Jaws is seen as the beginning of the end of auteur-driven New Hollywood, with Spielberg serving, as author Peter Biskind has put it, as the “Trojan horse through which the studios began to reassert their power."
It wasn’t necessarily an easy ride for the studios, though. In another now familiar pattern, the story of Jaws’s tumultuous creation has become part of its marketing. Two books have been published about the making of the movie – one by an islander from Martha’s Vineyard (where the film was shot), another by the film’s scriptwriter. The upcoming Blu-ray will include four hours of material, including a new documentary, that gives fresh meaning to the cliché of snatching victory from the jaws of defeat. As Richard Dreyfuss said, “We began without a script, without a cast and without a shark.”
There were actually three mechanical sharks. But on the third day, one of them sank. The production was also shut down several times for shark repairs. A ten-week shooting schedule for a $3.5-million film soon turned into a five-and-a-half month shoot that ran closer to $10-million.
Spielberg later said he finally had to resort to something that was foreign to him: “subjugate absolute control to meaningful collaboration.”
Still, the first cut was reputedly a mess. Because the mechanical shark often looked phony, it became essential to cut around it, using implication rather than a physical object to create fear. John Williams’s two-note Jaws theme, echoing the sound of a heartbeat, became the primary terror device. (Williams won an Academy Award for best dramatic score, with Jaws also picking up prizes for best editing and best sound.)
Spielberg, of course, eventually went on to direct films both more weighty and more slight. With Jaws, though, he made his most purely successful entertainment – perhaps because he allowed himself to be subjugated to meaningful collaboration.
A classic, wrote Raymond Chandler, is a piece of writing that “exhausts the possibilities of its form and can never be surpassed.” When it comes to a movie that mixes popular folksiness and sudden jolts of terror, Jaws is no doubt a classic. And for good and bad, we’re still bobbing up and down in its giant wake.
Jaws begins a week-long run at Toronto’s TIFF Bell Lightbox on Friday (tiff.net). The film will be released in Blu-ray on Aug. 14.

Timeless Terror

Steven Spielberg’s Jaws turns 40.

By Paul Beston
June 19, 2015



To mark the 40th anniversary of its debut, Jaws is back, playing in brief engagements in selected theaters around the country. The occasion gives audiences a chance to see Steven Spielberg’s second feature film as it originally appeared, on the big screen, where it became for a time not only the highest-grossing movie ever made, but also, apart from The Exorcist, the most visceral, propulsive film-going experience anyone could remember. In summer 1975, the lines at movie theaters stretched around the block. A pop cultural force as unstoppable as its ravenous star character, Jaws spawned tee shirts, toys, and a shark craze that, naturalists would soon lament, gave Great White Sharks a bad name and helped eventually land the species on the endangered list.

The plot of Jaws is simple: Amity Island, a summer resort community, is terrorized by a series of shark attacks. From the opening bars of John Williams’s dread-inducing score—which, more than anything, suggests inevitability—audiences were hooked. People slumped in their seats, screamed, covered their faces—then laughed at the release of tension and applauded. The respites were brief. They knew the terror would return, even if glimpses of the shark were few. For much of the film’s first half, viewers mostly saw—and heard—the monster’s handiwork: the screaming, thrashing woman attacked in the opening scene; the unfortunate young boy on a raft who dissolves in a geyser of blood before a crowded beach of swimmers and sunbathers; and the local scout leader knocked out of his small paddleboat and devoured.

The girl’s killing goes unaddressed, the boy’s causes a panic, and the scout leader’s results in the closing of the beaches and the hiring of an experienced, if slightly mad, local fisherman, Quint, to hunt and kill the shark, by now identified as a massive Great White. Quint (played by the inestimable Robert Shaw) takes along two partners: Amity’s police chief, city slicker and aquaphobe Martin Brody (Roy Scheider), and a wealthy young oceanographer and shark expert, Matt Hooper (Richard Dreyfus). They become one of the great movie trios, playing off one another the rest of the way. When Brody utters the movie’s most-quoted line—“You’re gonna need a bigger boat,” after he first sees the shark—he expresses the middle-class man’s deep consciousness of limits, an instinct for which Quint has little regard. Hooper navigates a middle ground between the two, sharing Brody’s rationalism but aligned with Quint in his relish of the chase and his love of the sea.

The shark expedition forms the second part of Jaws, after the shark has had its way with hapless swimmers and we have gotten to know the distinct and opposing personalities of the three leads. The hunt draws obvious parallels to Moby Dick, and Quint is a clear analogue for Ahab—but Jaws has been interpreted in other ways over the years, too, including (somehow) as a parable about Watergate. The Peter Benchley novel on which the movie was based is filled with subplots about transplanted New Yorkers (the Brodys) marooned in beach towns, extramarital affairs, and politicians’ ties with the mafia. But the movie wisely pares all that back and puts the “fish story,” as Benchley called it, center stage. From the moment the trio sets sail, Jaws never lets up on the viewer—and the pace had been breathless already.

Though frightening to watch, Jaws wasn’t scary in the way that gives one nightmares, like Psycho or Halloween. Instead, it tapped into a universal, if submerged, fear—of the water and what might be lurking there, and of the nagging anxiety (not confined to water) that we might be devoured by forces as old as the world. Uncannily, just as Jaws neared its anniversary this past week, sharks provided fresh reinforcement for these intuitions: two teenage bathers were attacked in North Carolina and a ten-year-old was bitten in Florida.

Jaws had a famously troubled production, going way over budget and way past schedule, and the 27-year-old Spielberg worried that his career might sink with it. The expensive mechanical shark rarely worked, and the director had to get creative by “implying” the shark’s presence, on the timeless suspense principle that we’re more afraid of what we can’t see than what we can. It worked: people were frightened by Jaws because they never knew when the shark was coming, and the underwater shots of bathers emphasize how vulnerable we are when we leave dry land.

From its chaotic birth, Jaws became a landmark in Hollywood, widely credited with (or blamed for) creating the summer blockbuster. It did all this without a website, a Twitter feed, or downloadable clips from YouTube. When you walked out of the theater, the only way to see Jaws again was to pony up for another ticket. In the age before on-demand everything, movies had to be sought out, at least in comparison with today. And somehow, this relative scarcity—like the scarcity of the shark in the movie—fixed them in the mind. I’ve carried scenes from Jaws in my head since 1975, and I’ve never put a foot into salt water without thinking of sharks.

Perhaps this has to do with the tender age (nine) at which I first saw Jaws, at a theater in the Golf Mill shopping center in Niles, Illinois. It proved to be the movie-going thrill of my life. Of course, young minds are famously impressionable; as adults, we struggle to remember what happened yesterday, or to reconstruct even vivid conversations, while events from decades past are imprinted on our memories. Last weekend, I watched Jaws for the first time in many years, on DVD. My wife, a few years younger than I, didn’t grow up with Jaws and had never watched it all the way through. Yet I noted how she flinched at all the same scenes—and her unease reminded me of how my mother and father twitched, too, in that movie theater long ago. Near the end, she turned to me and said, “This is really pretty good.”

“You should have seen it on the big screen,” I said. Forty years? Jaws is ageless.

Friday, June 19, 2015

Time for Huma Abedin to Come Out of the Shadows


Posted By Joseph Klein On June 19, 2015 @ 12:08 am In Daily Mailer,FrontPage | 1 Comment
huma_hillary_7_ap_605_605[1]Huma Abedin, Hillary Clinton’s longtime confidante, is currently the vice chair of her 2016 presidential campaign. “I’m not sure Hillary could walk out the door without Huma,” Clinton adviser Mandy Grunwald said back during the days of Hillary’s first run for the presidency. 

Huma and Hillary are inseparable, including having been linked together on a private e-mail network while Ms. Clinton was Secretary of State and Ms. Abedin was her deputy chief of staff. If Hillary Clinton were to be elected president of the United States, Ms. Abedin will no doubt be right there with Hillary as her right hand person in the White House. And that may well be a major coup for the Muslim Brotherhood, whose strategic plan calls for destroying Western civilization from within and “‘sabotaging’ its miserable house by their hands and the hands of the believers…”

In view of her background [2] that involves the Muslim Brotherhood, it is time for Huma Abedin to come out of the shadows and reveal exactly what she did and whom she communicated with while at the Clinton State Department.

Huma Abedin is the daughter of Saleha Mahmood Abedin, who has had ties to numerous Islamist organizations including the Muslim Brotherhood.  During her youth, Huma lived with her family in Saudi Arabia, where they had re-located from Michigan and where she was exposed to the Wahhabi jihadist ideology, before returning to the United States at the age of 18.

In the late 1990’s, while Huma Abedin was interning in the Bill Clinton White House and began her long association with Hillary Clinton, she served as an executive board member of George Washington University’s Muslim Students Association, which had its roots in the Muslim Brotherhood.

Huma Abedin later worked at the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs (IMMA) as the assistant editor of its in-house publication, the Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs (JMMA). Her mother was the editor of JMMA, taking over from Huma’s father after he had died. Huma’s tenure as assistant editor overlapped with that of a wealthy Saudi individual with reported al Qaeda and Muslim Brotherhood ties, Abdullah Omar Naseef, who had recruited her father to move to Saudi Arabia to lead the IMMA think tank.  Although Huma severed her own ties with the Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs when she began her service in Hillary Clinton’s State Department, Huma’s brother and sister have remained involved with the journal.

The Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs – an Abedin family project in which Huma Abedin was deeply involved – espouses the Islamic supremacist ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood. As Andrew McCarthy noted, Huma Abedin herself “spent 12 years working at a journal intended to aid Islamic domination of the West.”

Nevertheless, Hillary relies on Huma Abedin and trusts her completely, which will give Ms. Abedin extraordinary influence in a Hillary Clinton administration.

“The picture that emerges from interviews and records suggests a situation where the lines were blurred between Ms. Abedin’s work in the high echelons of one of the government’s most sensitive executive departments and her role as a Clinton family insider,” according to a May 2013 report in the New York Times.

While serving as Hillary’s deputy chief of staff at the State Department, Huma Abedin had access to the most highly sensitive government information, which included developments in Libya both before and after the tragic killing of Ambassador Chris Stevens and three other Americans that resulted from the Sept. 11, 2012 jihadist terror attack in Benghazi.  Moreover, with Huma whispering in her ear as her key adviser on the Middle East, Hillary oversaw the Obama administration’s pivot towards engaging with the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist groups in Egypt and Libya.

The Obama administration decided in 2011 to formally expand its engagement with Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood group, after the Obama administration had so enthusiastically supported the ouster of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Hillary Clinton declared at the time that “we welcome…dialogue with those Muslim Brotherhood members who wish to talk with us.” The Obama administration then reportedly intervened behind the scenes to help the Muslim Brotherhood’s choice for president, Mohammed Morsi, prevail in the presidential run-off election over his more secular army-backed rival.

Huma Abedin’s mother Dr. Saleha Mahmood Abedin is a chairperson of the International Islamic Committee for Woman and Child, which had strongly advocated for Sharia laws to replace more secular laws in Egypt under the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood dominated government. As Nonie Darwish, the author of The Devil We Don’t Know; The Dark Side of Revolutions in the Middle East and President of FormerMuslimsUnited.org noted in a Frontpage Magazine article entitled Huma Abedin’s Mother and an Islamist Agenda [3], “Huma did not keep a distance from her mother’s activities when she introduced Secretary Clinton to her activist mother. During Clinton’s visit to Saudi Arabia, the US Secretary of State visited and spoke at the Islamic college of Dar El-Hekma together with Huma, where Dr. Saleha Abedin was a vice-dean and one of its founders.”
That visit took place in 2011, at the very time that the Obama administration was expanding its outreach to the Muslim Brotherhood and was embracing the “Arab Spring.”

When Morsi himself was forced out of power by another popular revolt in 2012, the Obama administration was displeased and suspended certain military aid to the successor regime for about 18 months.

In view of what the Obama administration had believed in 2011 were positive developments in Egypt that had led to the downfall of President Mubarak and his replacement with a “democratic” government dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood, Hillary Clinton led the charge within the Obama administration to repeat such regime change in Libya. She urged action to overthrow the Gadhafi regime in Libya after the start of an “Arab Spring” uprising in that country. In August 2011, Jake Sullivan, another of Hillary’s deputies, wrote in an internal email that “HRC has been a critical voice on Libya in administration deliberations, at NATO, and in contact group meetings–as well as the public face of the U.S. effort in Libya. She was instrumental in securing the authorization, building the coalition, and tightening the noose around Qadhafi and his regime.”

Hillary “dismissed the warnings offered by career military and intelligence officials,” according to a Washington Times article dated January 28, 2015 that described the contents of certain secret audio recordings reportedly recovered from Tripoli:
Mrs. Clinton was headstrong to enter the Libyan crisis, ignoring the Pentagon’s warnings that no U.S. interests were at stake and regional stability could be threatened. Instead, she relied heavily on the assurances of the Libyan rebels and her own memory of Rwanda, where U.S. inaction may have led to the genocide of at least 500,000 people.
Many of the rebels were jihadists who would later turn against the United States.
Huma Abedin was in Hillary’s inner circle and thus in the loop on key e-mails regarding Libya, which she made sure to send to Hillary on a regular basis. One such e-mail dated March 27, 2011 dealt with the establishment of the Benghazi mission. It said that “We expect to get support in particular from the Turks who have a consulate in Benghazi.”  Turkey’s Islamic government has been one of the Muslim Brotherhood’s most ardent supporters, hosting its leaders and their international meetings.

Hillary had no plan for what would follow the regime change in Libya other than to persuade the transitional government to become, in Huma Abedin’s words, “inclusive” [4] in order to (as Abedin explained) to “nurture its legitimacy.” Whatever they may have believed regarding the positive role that the Muslim Brotherhood could play in such inclusiveness and nurturing of “legitimacy,” the result has been complete chaos, exploited by the Islamic State and other jihadists.

It is imperative that Huma Abedin be immediately required to cooperate with congressional investigators and to respond to Freedom of Information requests by handing over all of the e-mails in her possession that she authored and received while serving in the State Department. This includes the time she worked as a paid consultant after she terminated her status as an employee. She should also turn over all logs, contact lists, calendars and other records that may shed light on her activities related to Egypt and Libya and communications with Muslim Brotherhood members, supporters and other Islamists. If she destroyed this material, following the example of her boss Hillary Clinton who wiped her private server clean, this will raise legitimate suspicion that she has something to hide about her activities and associations.

If Hillary Clinton is elected president, Ms. Abedin will most likely be given a top-level job in the White House that will not require Senate confirmation. Asking Huma Abedin to provide at the earliest possible time a full public accounting under oath of her activities, communications and contacts while at the State Department is not McCarthyism or Islamophobia, as some on the Left would charge. To the contrary, it is a reasonable exercise of due diligence. Only then will the American people have the information they deserve that may well be highly relevant to their concerns about the security of this nation, in advance of next year’s presidential election.

Freedom Center pamphlets now available on Kindle: Click here [5].

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[3] Frontpage Magazine article entitled Huma Abedin’s Mother and an Islamist Agendahttp://www.frontpagemag.com/2012/nonie-darwish/huma-abedin%25E2%2580%2599s-mother%25E2%2580%2599s-extreme-islamist-agenda/






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A new strategy for Iraq and Syria


By Charles Krauthammer
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/
June 18, 2015


Iraqi security forces defend their positions against an Islamic State group attack on Monday. (Associated Press)
It’s time to rethink Iraq and Syria. It begins by admitting that the old borders are gone, that a unified Syria or Iraq will never be reconstituted, that the Sykes-Picot map is defunct.
We may not want to enunciate that policy officially. After all, it does contradict the principle that colonial borders be maintained no matter how insanely drawn, the alternative being almost universally worse. Nonetheless, in Mesopotamia, balkanization is the only way to go.
Because it has already happened and will not be reversed. In Iraq, for example, we are reaping one disaster after another by pretending that the Baghdad government — deeply sectarian, divisive and beholden to Iran — should be the center of our policy and the conduit for all military aid.
Look at Fallujah, Mosul, Ramadi. The Iraqi army is a farce. It sees the enemy and flees, leaving its weapons behind. “The ISF was not driven out of Ramadi. They drove out of Ramadi,” said the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Our own secretary of defense admitted that “the Iraqi forces just showed no will to fight.”
We can train them forever. The problem is one of will. They don’t want to fight. And why should they? They are led by commanders who are corrupt, sectarian and incompetent.
What to do? Redirect our efforts to friendly forces deeply committed to the fight, beginning with the Kurds, who have the will, the skill and have demonstrated considerable success. This year alone, they have taken back more than 500 Christian and Kurdish towns from the Islamic State. Unlike the Iraqi army, however, they are starved for weapons because, absurdly, we send them through Baghdad, which sends along only a trickle.
This week, more Kurdish success. With U.S. air support, Syrian Kurds captured the strategic town of Tal Abyad from the Islamic State. Which is important for two reasons. Tal Abyad controls the road connecting the terror group’s capital of Raqqa to Turkey, from which it receives fighters, weapons and supplies. Tal Abyad is “a lung through which [the Islamic State] breathed and connected to the outside world,” said Kurdish commander Haqi Kobane.
Moreover, Tal Abyad helps link isolated Kurdish areas in the Syrian north into a contiguous territory, like Iraqi Kurdistan. Which suggests that this territory could function as precisely the kind of long-advocated Syrian “safe zone” from which to operate against both the Islamic State and the Bashar al-Assad regime.
More good news comes from another battle line. Last week, the Free Syrian Army’s Southern Front, backed by and trained in Jordan, drove the Syrian government out of its last major base in eastern Daraa province, less than 60 miles from Damascus.
These successes suggest a new U.S. strategy. Abandon our anachronistic fealty to the central Iraqi government (now largely under Iran’s sway anyway) and begin supplying the Iraqi Kurds in a direct, 24-hour, Berlin-style airlift. And in Syria, intensify our training, equipping and air support for the now-developing Kurdish safe zone. Similarly, through Jordan, for the Free Syrian Army’s Southern Front. Such a serious and relentless strategy would not only roll back Islamic State territorial gains, it would puncture the myth of Islamic State invincibility.
In theory, we should also be giving direct aid to friendly Sunni tribesmen in Iraq whose Anbar Awakening, brilliantly joined by Gen. David Petraeus’ surge, utterly defeated the Islamic State progenitor, al-Qaeda in Iraq, in 2006-2007. The problem is, having been abandoned by us once, when President Obama liquidated our presence in 2011, why should the Sunnis ever trust us again?
As for the Iraqi army, we can go through the motions, but the best we can hope for is wobbly containment, ultimately guaranteed by Iranian proxies. Not a happy prospect, but the best that we can do having forfeited our dominant position in Iraq in 2011 .
At the time, Iraq was a functioning state. That state is now gone. We should not expend treasure or risk blood trying to resurrect it. Our objective right now is to defeat the Islamic State and to ensure the fall of the Assad regime. That does not require an American invasion. It does require recognizing reality and massively supporting our few genuine allies on the ground.
On Wednesday, Defense Secretary Ashton Carter testified that we won’t quite meet our objective of training 24,000 Iraqi troops by this fall. Why? A recruitment problem. Iraqis don’t seem to want to join. We are 15,000 short.
It’s a fool’s errand anyway. If we need to pretend to support the Baghdad government, fine. But our actual strategy should be to circumvent it and help our real allies carry the fight.

Thursday, June 18, 2015

Flannery O'Connor: Stamped but not Cancelled


By Ralph C. Wood
June 16, 2015
On June 5, 2015, the U.S. Postal Service published a commemorative stamp in honor of Flannery O’Connor. O’Connor is an anomalous candidate for such acclaim, since her work stands at a critical distance from the American project, both in its older and more recent iterations. Precisely in her refusal to assimilate her fiction to the national consensus, she made her most valuable gift to it.
The chief evidence for this claim is to be found in two 1963 issues of the Jesuit journal America that O’Connor read and marked only a few months before her all too early death at age thirty-nine in 1964. In one essay, John Courtney Murray, the leading Catholic theologian on matters of church and state at the time, expressed his hope that the Second Vatican Council’s forthcoming treatment of religious freedom would be in full accord with what he called “the true political tradition of the Christian West.” The American constitutional system, in Murray’s view, has served to recover the Catholic rejection of all absolutisms, both ecclesial and governmental. It does so by insisting that “political authority has no part whatsoever in the care of souls (cura animarum) or in the control of the minds of men (regimen animorum).” Hence Murray’s confidence that Dignitatis humanae (the declaration on human freedom) would call for governments to remain secular and neutral by not granting special privileges to any of the various religious traditions, granting them all freedom of both worship and belief.
Yet at the very end of his essay, Murray expressed a certain worry about this pristine separation of spheres, whereby church and state attend to their complementary and rarely contradictory affairs: “The question today is, whether the Church should extend her pastoral solicitude beyond her own boundaries and assume an active patronage of the freedom of the human person . . . who stands today under a massive threat to everything that human dignity and personal freedom mean.” Unlike Flannery O’Connor, Fr. Murray seemed impervious to the notion that such threats might come from the American system itself.
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Wednesday, June 17, 2015

All the ‘Clinton Cash’ questions Hillary refuses to answer

By Peter Schweizer
June 13, 2015
Democratic presidential candidate, former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton gestures before speaking to supporters Saturday, June 13, 2015, on Roosevelt Island in New York, in a speech promoted as her formal presidential campaign debut. (AP Photo/Frank Franklin II) ** FILE **
Democratic presidential candidate, former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton gestures before speaking to supporters Saturday, June 13, 2015, on Roosevelt Island in New York, in a speech promoted as her formal presidential campaign debut. (AP Photo/Frank Franklin II) 


‘We need to stop the flow of secret, unaccountable money,” Hillary Clinton said Saturday during her vaunted campaign “do over.”
That she said this without a trace of irony is no real surprise. Ever since the release of “Clinton Cash” — which documented the Clintons’ love of secret and unaccountable money — the couple’s reaction has been to pretend the scandal has nothing to do with them.
Appearing on CNN, Bill Clinton claims that the millions the Clintons made from speeches paid for by foreign individuals and entities who had business before Hillary’s State Department were innocent and coincidental.
“[Hillary] was pretty busy those years,” Clinton said. “I never saw her study a list of my contributors, and I had no idea who was doing business before the State Department.”
Bill added: “No one has ever asked me for anything…I never thought about whether there was any overlap.”
Besides, as Bill explained, in a Bloomberg interview last week, “Has anybody proved that we did anything objectionable? No.”
Well, there you have it. Everything is on the up-and-up. Americans should just move along.
But they can’t. And they won’t. Not until, that is, Hillary Clinton begins explaining her myriad conflicts of interest in granular detail, especially since there are no e-mails or server to corroborate Bill’s claims of her innocence.
Indeed, save for a generic response to a generic question on the topic, Hillary Clinton has yet to answer a single question about “Clinton Cash.”
For example, Hillary hasn’t explained why her State Department approved the transfer of 20% of US uranium to the Russian government — even as her family foundation hauled in $145 million from investors in the deal, and Bill received $500,000 from a Kremlin-backed bank for a speech in Moscow.
Hillary has yet to explain why there was no conflict of interest in allowing top investors in the Keystone XL pipeline to pay her husband $1.8 million to deliver 10 speeches, even as she quietly shepherded an environmental impact study through her State Department that proved largely supportive of the pipeline.
Nor has Hillary explained why she violated the memorandum of understanding she signed with the Obama administration promising to disclose all donors, including the foreign head of the Russian government’s Uranium One, Ian Telfer, who funneled four donations totaling $2.35 million to the Clinton Foundation that were never revealed.
Or the 2 million shares of stock foreign mining magnate Stephen Dattels gave the Clinton Foundation, even as Hillary’s State Department allowed “open pit coal mining” in Bangladesh, where Dattels’ Polo Resources had a stake.
As Sunlight Foundation senior fellow Bill Allison told The Post, “It seems like the Clinton Foundation operates as a slush fund for the Clintons.”
Still, Bill Clinton assures us there’s nothing to see here.
Thankfully, so far investigative reporters aren’t listening. Indeed, in the wake of “Clinton Cash”’s publication, as Hillary’s silence has grown, so, too, has the number of reporters building on and and expanding the book’s findings.
Bloomberg and the Washington Post, for example, drilled down and discovered an additional 1,100 hidden foreign Clinton Foundation donations. Since the revelation, the Foundation has only released 24 of the secret foreign donors. When will Americans see the remaining 1,076 names? Hillary hasn’t said.
And thanks to the Huffington Post, we now know that in 2014 and 2015, Hillary delivered eight speeches totaling $1.6 million in speaking fees paid for by two of the largest banks tied to the Keystone XL pipeline.
That’s in addition to the $1.8 million Bill bagged for the 10 Keystone investor-funded speeches he delivered during Hillary’s tenure as Secretary of State.
Perhaps this helps explain Hillary’s reticence over the last few years to express opposition to the pipeline, much to ­environmentalists’ chagrin.
We now know 181 Clinton Foundation donors lobbied Hillary’s State Department; that the Clintons’ family foundation received millions from Qatar, as well as donations from FIFA, the soccer organization now enmeshed in a bribery and corruption scandal of global proportions; that the Clintons have a secret “pass-through” company, WJC, LLC.; that Hillary’s State Department “approved $165 billion worth of commercial arms sales to 20 nations whose governments have given money to the Clinton Foundation,” according to the International Business Times analysis.
On and on it goes. There have been enough post-book revelations to fill a second volume, or a third.
The surge in new revelations is an encouraging reinvigoration of investigative journalism, one that is refreshingly responsive to the public’s hunger for greater transparency and accountability from elected leaders.
As Bob Woodward recently put it, “You should insist that the sleeping giant, which is both the country and the media, wake up. The result could be, if you are persistent, that we have a kind of ‘Unrestricted Investigative Warfare’ as the news organizations, the giants, the little people, left, right and center compete to follow the money and explain its corruptions and ramifications.”
To all of these revelations, the Clinton response has been to ignore, deflect, or try to discredit me. George Stephanopoulos tried to suggest I was partisan (how’d that work out?) while sympathizers have been reduced to arguing that well, it’s not technically illegal.
But even as Hillary Clinton tries to wipe the slate clean and start her campaign over, these questions will dog her from now until election. She can’t dodge them forever.
Peter Schweizer is the author of the bestseller “Clinton Cash: The Untold Story of How and Why Foreign Governments and Businesses Helped Make Bill and Hillary Rich” (Harper), out now.