Thursday, May 08, 2014

The Shaky Case against the Death Penalty

It's weaker than most people realize

By John R. Lott Jr.
http://www.nationalreview.com/
May 8, 2014


After the recent mishandled execution in Oklahoma, in which the murderer ended up dying from a heart attack, death-penalty opponents pounced. 

Not surprisingly, the Sunday-morning talk shows focused on whether we should keep the death penalty. ABC News’s This Week was hardly a balanced panel, with four members wanting to abolish the death penalty and the fifth wanting “maybe a halfway point between eliminating it” and what we currently have.
Let’s analyze the three main arguments made on ABC against the death penalty.

Has support for the death penalty fallen since 1994? Sure, but what ABC News didn’t explain was that the years chosen were carefully cherry-picked. Support for the death penalty in 1994 was the highest ever recorded, according to Gallup. But consider instead all the 43 surveys from 1936 to 2012. Those surveys showed that an average of 63.8 percent of Americans supported the death penalty. Sixty percent in 2013 is down slightly from the average over the preceding 76 years, but it was hardly an earth-shattering change.
And why has support dropped? Probably because crime has fallen. In 1994, the murder rate was 9.0 per 100,000 people. By 2012, it had fallen to almost half that, 4.7. 


This is simply false. In murder cases, whites are executed much more frequently. Nationally, from 1977, when the death penalty was reinstituted, to 2011, the last year for which the FBI has compiled data, 64.7 percent of those executed were whites, but whites committed only 47 percent of the murders

Nor do individual states stand out in the way this statement claimed. I went through the totals for each individual state over the seven years from 2005 to 2011, and none have the imbalance the ABC News panel complained about. Missouri was close, with five blacks and two whites executed. Only three other states, including heavily Democratic Maryland, executed more blacks than whites, and in each case only one more black was executed. (To see state-by-state data for a given year in this range, search for “capital punishment [insert year] statistical tables.”)

An honest evaluation has to start with explaining why white murderers are executed at a much greater rate than black murderers.


Nobody wants an innocent person convicted. The Innocence Project claims that, since 1989, 34 people convicted of any type of murder have been exonerated by DNA evidence; of these, 18 had been sentenced to death. In that same time, about260,000 Americans have been convicted of murder, with DNA evidence being used in about 12,000, or 4.5 percent. The error rate then was less than 0.3 percent, and it is actually much lower than that, since many of the exonerations came from convictions that were made before 1989. Furthermore, DNA evidence has improved its accuracy in trials over the past couple of decades, as it has become more commonly used. There is an old saying that it is better to let ten guilty people go free than to convict one innocent person. But the current system seems to be doing much better than that.

Finally, all this ignores one extremely important point: There is overwhelming evidence that the death penalty deters murder and saves lives. Combine that with the fact that errors, few to begin with, are becoming ever less common, and objections to the death penalty are basically eviscerated.

— John R. Lott Jr. is the president of the Crime Prevention Research Center and the author of More Guns, Less Crime.

Wednesday, May 07, 2014

Today's Tune: Bruce Springsteen - Linda Let Me Be The One (Live 4/29/14)

What Obama Did on September 11, 2012


May 5, 2014

Last week, former National Security Council spokesman Tommy Vietor admitted to Fox News’s Bret Baer that President Barack Obama was not in the White House situation room on the night of September 11, 2012. That was the night -- "Dude, this was like two years ago” -- in which Islamic terrorists killed Ambassador Chris Stevens and three other Americans in Benghazi.

This admission was a long time coming, in part because mainstream media reporters refrained from asking. In fact, it was not until May 19, 2013, eight months after the attack, that a newsman asked a White House spokesman what Obama did that night. The newsman was Chris Wallace of Fox News. “The ambassador goes missing, ends up the first ambassador in more than thirty years is killed. Four Americans, including the ambassador, are killed. Dozens of Americans are in jeopardy,” asked Wallace of Dan Pfeiffer, a senior adviser to the president. “Where was he? What did he do? How did he respond?” The crafty Pfeiffer would not even acknowledge whether Obama was in the situation room.

As Wallace knew, Obama and his advisers planned military strategy in the situation room. They planned political strategy upstairs in the family quarters. If Pfeiffer was savvy enough to duck that question, Vietor apparently was not. His answer confirms my own suspicions about where Obama was and what he did that evening. As the evidence attests, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton played a critical role in this dumb show.

Even had that day not been September 11, there would have been cause for alarm in Washington. The threat to the American consulate in Benghazi had been obvious since at least 6 a.m. Washington time. It was noon in Libya when Sean Smith, the IT professional who accompanied Stevens, posted online: “Assuming we don’t die tonight. We saw one of our ‘police’ that guard the compound taking pictures.”

Smith’s concerns proved real just after 9 p.m. in Benghazi when a rocket-propelled grenade smashed against the front gate of the makeshift State Department compound. The attack was on. The following timeline tracks the attack and is drawn from two primary sources:Benghazi: The Definitive Report by Jack Murphy and Brandon Webb; and the House Armed Service Committee’s (HASC) Majority Interim Report: Benghazi Investigation Update from February 2014.

The locally hired security fled the compound immediately. This left seven Americans, Stevens, Smith, and five Diplomatic Security Service (DSS) agents. One DSS agent secured Stevens and Smith in a protected room in the ambassador’s villa, two manned the tactical operations center, and two others barricaded themselves in the DSS villa.

Stevens and the others immediately alerted their chain of command. At 3:40 p.m. Washington time (Unless otherwise specified, all times cited will be EDT) Stevens called his number two man in Tripoli, Greg Hicks, and told him, "Greg, we're under attack." At 4:05 p.m. the State Department Operations Center issued an alert to all relevant agencies, "U.S. Diplomatic Mission in Benghazi Under Attack." There was no lack of communication to the outside world.

At the time of the incident, General Carter F. Ham, Commander of U.S. Africa Command, just happened to be visiting the Pentagon. “It became pretty apparent to me, and I think to most at Africa Command pretty shortly after this attack began, that this was an attack,” said Ham. The fact that the attackers were using rocket-propelled grenades and well-aimed small arms fire made it clear to him that “this was certainly a terrorist attack and not just -- not something sporadic.” He personally shared the news with General Martin E. Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and both “immediately” briefed Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta.

At 5 p.m. Panetta and Dempsey met with President Obama in the White House for a prescheduled meeting. There they discussed the attack, and the president authorized the pair to take relevant steps, leaving the specifics up to them. They had no further contact with the president that evening and none at all with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

By the time of this meeting, Ty Woods, a twenty-year Navy SEALs veteran stationed at the nearby CIA annex, had already organized a seven-man GRS rescue team. It did not take Woods and his team long to rout the enemy and establish enough temporary security to round up the DSS agents. They also located Smith, unconscious but not yet dead in the building still ablaze.

As the enemy reorganized, Woods’ crew came under withering fire and had to retreat before they could locate Stevens’s body. They headed back to the CIA annex with all the living safe and accounted for. Meanwhile, in Tripoli, Woods’s old Navy SEAL friend Glen Doherty and six colleagues, most of them CIA, commandeered a jet to join the fray.

The Libyan militias now reorganized outside the CIA annex and launched still another attack there around midnight, Benghazi-time.  While Woods and company held off the enemy in Benghazi, Obama holed up in the White House. About 7 p.m. he called Benjamin Netanyahu to discuss a perceived snub of the Israel prime minister. This perception, reported Lynn Sweet of the Chicago Sun-Times, presented “a political problem to a president who is wooing the Jewish vote.” The Sun-Times posted Sweet’s story, based obviously on a self-serving White House release, at 9:18 p.m. that evening. Obama obviously found time for politicking, but this was not something one did in the situation room.

About 10 p.m. that evening Obama made another phone call. Five months would pass before anyone admitted he did so. In February 2013, Sen. Lindsay Graham used the confirmation hearings for defense secretary nominee Chuck Hagel to pry some answers out of the president, but he got stonewalled for his efforts. The White House sent a letter to the Senate claiming the president did not make any phone calls the night of September 11. “During the entire attack, the president of the United States never picked up the phone to put the weight of his office in the mix?” asked a disbelieving Graham.

A week later, Fred Lucas of CNSNews.com followed up on Obama’s September 11 timeline and got an entirely different answer out of spokesman Jay Carney. “He was in regular communication with his national security team directly, through them,” said Carney before adding the surprise jolt, “and spoke with the secretary of state at approximately 10 p.m. He called her to get an update on the situation.”

Soon after that 10 p.m. phone call, Secretary Clinton released a memo on the Benghazi attack. “Some have sought to justify this vicious behavior as a response to inflammatory material posted on the Internet," said Clinton. "The United States deplores any intentional effort to denigrate the religious beliefs of others. . . . But let me be clear: There is never any justification for violent acts of this kind.” The earliest confirmed posting Lucas could find of the Clinton statement was 10:32 p.m. Washington time.

The timing suggests she and Obama coordinated the blame-the-video misdirection during their call. To this point in the evening, no one in the military or on the ground in Libya had mentioned the video or suggested that the assault on the consulate was anything other than a coordinated attack. By 7 p.m. in Washington, Anshar al-Sharia had claimed credit for the attacks via Twitter. At about 8 p.m. Clinton called Hicks in Tripoli. They spoke mostly about the status of Stevens now reported to be in a hospital controlled by Anshar al-Sharia. There was no talk of a video or a riot.

While the White House tried to save the election, Doherty and his crew were scrambling to save the CIA annex in Benghazi. Arriving about 5 a.m. Benghazi time, they quickly took up defensive positions and helped the agents in place fend off a new wave of attackers trying to scale the wall. When the heat subsided, Doherty sought out Woods, who was manning the MK46 machine gun on the rooftop of the annex building. There, they embraced like brothers and resumed the fight until a couple of well-aimed French 81 mm mortars killed them both.

Obama avoided the situation room that night because the decisions he was making -- just two months before a tightly contested election -- were political, not military. There was a precedent of which Hillary was fully aware. On the night of July 17, 1996, two FAA air traffic controllers observed an unknown object intersecting Paris-bound TWA Flight 800 as it headed east off Long Island’s south shore. A manager from that center faxed the radar data to FAA headquarters in Washington, and from there it was rushed “immediately” to the White House situation room.

Anti-terror czar Richard Clarke got the message. A half hour after the destruction of the plane, he was driving in to the White House to convene a meeting of his security group. “I dreaded what I thought was about to happen,” Clarke wrote in his bestseller Against All Enemies. He called it “The Eisenhower option,” a retaliatory strike against Iran. When President Clinton met with friendly historian Taylor Branch on August 2, 1996, he also traced the TWA 800 disaster to Iran. “They want war,” Branch quoted Clinton as saying.

On the night of July 17, however, the president and his wife chose not to join Clarke and the other agency representatives in the situation room. They remained holed up in the family quarters. Retired Air Force Lt. Col. Robert “Buzz” Patterson and others have confirmed the president’s location that evening. Patterson was in a position to know. He carried the nuclear football for the president.

That night the Clintons translated the data from the disaster into electoral strategy. By 3 a.m. Clinton had apparently gathered enough information to call National Security Adviser Tony Lake with the following message: “Dust off the contingency plans.” Dust them off, yes, but don’t get too serious about them. In late summer 1996, with the election under control, war was the last thing the Clintons wanted or needed.

On September 11, 2012, war was the last thing Obama wanted or needed as well. He had already bagged Osama bin Laden, pacified al Qaeda, and liberated Libya -- or so he repeated endlessly. Foreign policy was alleged to be his electoral strong suit. Given the political dynamics, Obama retreated, just as the Clintons had, to the family quarters. There he would spend the night translating national security data into electoral strategy. For the next two months he did what the Clintons did after the demise of TWA Flight 800: he just kicked the investigatory can down the road and hoped that the media would not call attention to the kicking. If the Clintons could get away with it, why not he?

Page Printed from: http://www.americanthinker.com/2014/05/what_obama_did_on_september_11_2012.html at May 07, 2014 - 07:25:34 AM CDT

Rodin's "Cathedrals of France"


By Maureen Mullarkey
http://www.firstthings.com/
May 5, 2014




 The Cathedral of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, Nantes
Auguste Rodin (French, 1840–1917)
Plate III of Les cathédrales de France, published in an edition of 50 (Paris, 1914)
Thomas J. Watson Library (126.6/R61)

I should like to inspire a love for this great art, to come to the rescue of as much of it as still remains intact; to save for our children the great lesson of this past which the present misunderstands.
In this desire I strive to awaken intellects and hearts to understanding and to love.
—Auguste Rodin, The Cathedrals of France
August Rodin was an aggressive womanizer well into old age. The love of beauty that served him nobly as a sculptor served him as a man with notable difference. Francis Haskell described him as “Never a man of much moral conviction except in the practice and defense of his art.” For now, then, better to stay with the sculptor’s love of beauty as it manifested itself in his passionate admiration for Christendom’s exalted monuments.
Rodin kept voluminous notes but wrote only one book: Cathedrals of France, originally published in France in 1914 when Rodin was seventy four. It was not translated into English until a half century later. Beacon Press made up for that surprising lapse with its beautifully printed 1965 edition, illustrated with sketches from the notebooks.
The text is not an architectural treatise. It makes no attempt at scholarly appraisal or methodical observation. Compiled day by day through periodic visits to numerous cathedrals, it is thoroughly the work of an artist justifying his personal attachments. And doing so in terms of his craft.
Over decades, Rodin took notes on what he observed and made quick pen or pencil sketches. In 1908 he hired a secretary—first the Symbolist poet Charles Morice, down on his luck; then Rilke—to cull the cathedral passages in preparation for publication. He intended to reignite public sensitivity to the dignity and majesty of their Romanesque and Gothic heritage. (And, it should be added, to spur support for his own sculptural canons which absorbed so much from Gothic accommodation of chiaroscuro.) “The whole of France is in her cathedrals” he wrote, “as all Greece is epitomized by the Parthenon.”
Read the rest of the article:

Tuesday, May 06, 2014

Sex Slavery Horror in Nigeria


Posted By Robert Spencer On May 6, 2014 @ 12:40 am In Daily Mailer,FrontPage | No Comments

A grab made on May 5, 2014 from a video obtained by AFP shows the leader of the Islamist extremist group Boko Haram Abubakar Shekau delivering a speech. (AFP photo)
Abubakar Shekau, the leader of the Nigerian jihad group named the Congregation of the People of the Sunnah for Dawah and Jihad and better known as Boko Haram (“Western Education Is Sinful,” or “Books Bad”), has horrified the world by abducting over three hundred schoolgirls and selling them into sex slavery. Shekau has even published a video in which he gloats about the abduction, telling the girls’ grieving families: “I abducted your girls. I will sell them on the market, by Allah….There is a market for selling humans. Allah says I should sell.”

Does Allah really say that? The mainstream media is, true to form, steadfastly ignoring Shekau’s references to the acceptability in Islam of sexual slavery, and it’s easy to understand why, given its anxiety always to portray Islam in a favorable light – for the Qur’an really does allow for the owning of sex slaves:
If you fear that you will not act justly towards the orphans, marry such women as seem good to you, two, three, four; but if you fear you will not be equitable, then only one, or what your right hands own; so it is likelier you will not be partial. (Qur’an 4:3)
This verse is the basis for Islamic polygamy, allowing a man to take as many as four wives, as long as he believes he is able to “deal justly” with all of them. But justice in these circumstances is in the eye of the beholder. The renowned Qur’an commentator Ibn Kathir says this the requirement to deal justly with one’s wives is no big deal, since treating them justly isn’t the same as treating them equally: “it is not obligatory to treat them equally, rather it is recommended. So if one does so, that is good, and if not, there is no harm on him.”

The verse goes on to say that if a man cannot deal justly with multiple wives, then he should marry only one, or resort to “what your right hands own” — that is, slave girls.

The twentieth-century Qur’an commentator Maulana Bulandshahri explains the wisdom of this practice, and longs for the good old days:
During Jihad (religion war), many men and women become war captives. The Amirul Mu’minin [leader of the believers, or caliph -- an office now vacant] has the choice of distributing them amongst the Mujahidin [warriors of jihad], in which event they will become the property of these Mujahidin. This enslavement is the penalty for disbelief (kufr).
He goes on to explain that this is not ancient history:
None of the injunctions pertaining to slavery have been abrogated in the Shari’ah. The reason that the Muslims of today do not have slaves is because they do not engage in Jihad (religion war). Their wars are fought by the instruction of the disbelievers (kuffar) and are halted by the same felons. The Muslim [sic] have been shackled by such treaties of the disbelievers (kuffar) whereby they cannot enslave anyone in the event of a war. Muslims have been denied a great boon whereby every home could have had a slave. May Allah grant the Muslims the ability to escape the tentacles of the enemy, remain steadfast upon the Din (religion) and engage in Jihad (religion war) according to the injunctions of Shari’ah. Amen!
This is by no means an eccentric or unorthodox view in Islam. The Egyptian Sheikh Abu-Ishaq al-Huwayni declared in May 2011 that “we are in the era of jihad,” and that as they waged jihad warfare against infidels, Muslims would take slaves. He clarified what he meant in a subsequent interview:
…Jihad is only between Muslims and infidels. Spoils, slaves, and prisoners are only to be taken in war between Muslims and infidels. Muslims in the past conquered, invaded, and took over countries. This is agreed to by all scholars–there is no disagreement on this from any of them, from the smallest to the largest, on the issue of taking spoils and prisoners. The prisoners and spoils are distributed among the fighters, which includes men, women, children, wealth, and so on. 
When a slave market is erected, which is a market in which are sold slaves and sex-slaves, which are called in the Qur’an by the name milk al-yamin, “that which your right hands possess” [Qur’an 4:24]. This is a verse from the Qur’an which is still in force, and has not been abrogated. The milk al-yamin are the sex-slaves. You go to the market, look at the sex-slave, and buy her. She becomes like your wife, (but) she doesn’t need a (marriage) contract or a divorce like a free woman, nor does she need a wali. All scholars agree on this point–there is no disagreement from any of them. [...] When I want a sex slave, I just go to the market and choose the woman I like and purchase her.
Right around the same time, on May 25, 2011, a female Kuwaiti activist and politician, Salwa al-Mutairi, also spoke out in favor of the Islamic practice of sexual slavery of non-Muslim women, emphasizing that the practice accorded with Islamic law and the parameters of Islamic morality.
…A merchant told me that he would like to have a sex slave. He said he would not be negligent with her, and that Islam permitted this sort of thing. He was speaking the truth. I brought up (this man’s) situation to the muftis in Mecca. I told them that I had a question, since they were men who specialized in what was halal, and what was good, and who loved women. I said, “What is the law of sex slaves?” 
The mufti said, “With the law of sex slaves, there must be a Muslim nation at war with a Christian nation, or a nation which is not of the religion, not of the religion of Islam. And there must be prisoners of war.”
“Is this forbidden by Islam?,” I asked.
“Absolutely not. Sex slaves are not forbidden by Islam. On the contrary, sex slaves are under a different law than the free woman. The free woman must be completely covered except for her face and hands. But the sex slave can be naked from the waist up. She differs a lot from the free woman. While the free woman requires a marriage contract, the sex slave does not–she only needs to be purchased by her husband, and that’s it. Therefore the sex slave is different than the free woman.”
While the savage exploitation of girls and young women is an unfortunately cross-cultural phenomenon, only in Islamic law does it carry anything approaching divine sanction. Here is yet another human rights scandal occasioned by Islamic law that the international human rights community and the mainstream media cravenly ignore. The abduction of the Nigerian schoolgirls could have been an opportunity to call upon Muslim leaders to work for genuine reform, so that the justifications for this savagery are definitively removed. Instead, Western leaders and the mainstream media are doing what they always do: pretend that this is an isolated incident and there is no problem.

And that only ensures that there will be more such incidents.

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Monday, May 05, 2014

Today's Tune: Cowboy Junkies - Blue Moon Revisited

Book Review: 'Arab Winter Comes to America' by Robert Spencer


Posted By Daniel Greenfield On May 5, 2014 @ 12:30 am In Daily Mailer,FrontPage | No Comments



To order “Arab Winter Comes to America: The Truth About the War We’re In,” click here.

Robert Spencer will be speaking at the Freedom Center’s Wednesday Morning Club in Los Angeles on Monday, May 12, 2014. For more info, click here.

It may be warm outside now, but from colder hearts a winter blizzard is blowing. These cold hearts are frozen in the endless winter of Islam that leaves them empty of mercy for even their own daughters.

The title of Robert Spencer’s new book, “Arab Winter Comes to America: The Truth About the War We’re In” may reference the now infamous Arab Spring, but its focus is more on domestic policy than on foreign policy. This is less of an analysis of what went wrong in Egypt and Tunisia, though that is also addressed, than what has gone wrong with how the United States deals with Islamic terrorism at home.

The problem with Jihad is that we don’t talk about Jihad, as Spencer writes. The first and most effective wave of the Jihad was a political assault by Muslim Brotherhood front groups such as ISNA and CAIR against even discussing the threat. When the next wave of terrorist attacks arrived, policymakers, soldiers and law enforcement officers were left blinded and censored.
Today the situation is worse than ever.

Arab Winter Comes to America is less about the past than the present, less about lands abroad than our own streets and cities. The Arab Spring cracked regimes that had sought a middle ground between the unfettered savagery of Islamic law and the modern world. The Arab Winter may take longer to crack the West which is trying to walk the same fine line, suppressing blasphemy against Islam as hate crimes and silencing criticism of Islam as Islamophobia, but the book suggests that it can and it will.

Robert Spencer, a scholar of all things Islamic, dwells less on the texts than on the failure of our own establishment to draw the right conclusions from them. Having faced personal censorship in the US and the UK by governments that should instead have been listening to him, he is ably positioned to describe the process by which groups linked to terrorism preemptively silence those scholars and experts who would denounce them for what they are while using the threat of youth “radicalization” as blackmail.

“The only people who have perfect clarify about who they are and what they hope to accomplish, are America’s foes,” Spencer writes regretfully.

From Nidal Hasan to the Boston Marathon bombings, Arab Winter Comes to America examines wasted opportunities and missed warnings that could have prevented the mass murder of Americans. And even as Obama and his advisers claim that Al Qaeda has been all but defeated, Spencer warns that the real struggle between our civilization and the medieval terror theocracy out of the desert is only beginning.

The Arab Spring was a political and military disaster, but if the Arab Winter of Islam spreads to the West, it could destroy civilization as we know it.

“The jihad attack in Boston shows that our future in this country could be just as bloody as the present of the Muslim world,” Spencer writes, linking together the spring violence in Tunisia, Syria and Egypt and the spring massacre of Americans by Muslim infiltrators in Boston.

“The ideology behind the Boston Marathon bombing was the same ideology ascendant in the Arab Spring uprisings,” he adds.”It is no different from the ideology that motivated a Muslim U.S. Army psychiatrist to slaughter thirteen Americans at Fort Hood… it is identical to the belief system that inspired the 9/11 hijackers.”

Islamic violence is a matter of critical mass. The Islamic violence of the Arab Spring was a Jihad of Muslim majorities while the Islamic violence in Boston and in New York and throughout the West is a Jihad of Muslim minorities. However as we study the changing demographic patterns in the West, it is not inconceivable that we too may one day face the violence of Muslim majorities in our own countries.

Spencer demonstrates that while the violence of Muslim majorities and Muslim minorities may differ in scale and tactics, they originate from the same set of religious impulses. The Jihadists in Cairo and Benghazi, in Boston and New York, may have utilized different tactics of terror, but they believed the same things. And it is this belief that unites them into an army, even when scattered into cells or acting in isolation as lone wolves. It is this violent belief that is being hurled against the ramparts of the West.

Arab Winter Comes to America explores the intersections between propaganda and terror, how supposedly non-violent Islamic groups work to clear the path for their violent cousins and how the Muslim Brotherhood, which took over entire countries after the Arab Spring, embedded its front groups into American political life and is plotting to do the same thing here.

From the UK to the US, Spencer takes us on a dark journey along a river of denial that flows out of the houses of government and through the columns and broadcasts of mainstream media reporters. This river may be far from the waters of the Nile and yet it moves unknowingly to the same current, the tide of bloody genocidal dreams from murderous monsters like Hassan al-Banna and Yusuf al-Qaradawi.

Arab Winter Comes to America warns that understanding the motives that drive our enemies may be our first line of defense.  It argues that we cannot begin to fight a war against the enemy that has brought savage carnage into our skies and our cities until we understand his goals and ambitions.

Ideological wars do not begin on the battlefield though they may end there. They are fought in the hearts and minds of men. Arab Winter Comes to America is another contribution to the Counterjihad which Robert Spencer has been fighting for so long. It is not a war that any of us has chosen, but it is a war that we have faced for over a thousand years. And it is not going away any time soon.

The weather outside may carry the warmth of a balmy spring, but as long as a cold wind blows out of the desert where Islam was born, it will continue to freeze souls and minds and whenever a bomb goes off or a Muslim kills in the name of Islam, a chilly strand of that wind blows through our hearts.

This is the oldest war there is; the war between civilization and savagery, between the power of truth and the tyranny of the lie, and between the free man and the vicious slave.

As Robert Spencer writes, “The truth cannot be successfully obscured and bringing it to light is essential to the survival of this free republic.”

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How the Media Again Failed on the Duke Lacrosse Story


By KC Johnson and Stuart Taylor Jr. - May 2, 2014
http://www.realclearpolitics.com/




More than a dozen major newspapers and magazines have rushed in recent weeks to publish reviews heaping praise on what we have demonstrated -- and will demonstrate again below -- to be a guilt-presuming, fact-challenged new book about the Duke lacrosse rape fraud of 2006.

Meanwhile, author William D. Cohan has ratcheted up his wild claims and misleading innuendoes during at least 10 broadcast and print interviews about the book, even, in some cases, after proof of their falsity had been published by us and others.

Most of the interviewers have been as fawning as most of the reviewers, leaving unchallenged Cohan's evidence-free innuendoes that Duke lacrosse players did something terrible on the night in question.
The notable exception was Jon Stewart's interview of Cohan this week on “The Daily Show.” Stewart repeatedly cut short -- with observations such as "in this case they were exonerated" -- Cohan's efforts to slime the lacrosse players.

All this despite the fact that the 621-page book, “The Price of Silence: The Duke Lacrosse Scandal, the Power of the Elite, and the Corruption of Our Great Universities,” adds not a single scrap of new evidence that undermines the well-founded consensus that -- as North Carolina Attorney General Roy Cooper found in April 2007 -- no Duke lacrosse player committed any crime against the mentally imbalanced accuser, Crystal Mangum.

Since the early hours of March 14, 2006, Mangum has provided more than a dozen dramatically varying versions of her story of being sexually assaulted in a bathroom by (variously) three, four, five, and 20 members of the Duke lacrosse team, who had paid her and another woman to strip at a spring-break team drinking party.

Cohan's main additions to the record are long, tiresome interview transcripts uncritically presenting the self-serving ruminations of disbarred District Attorney Mike Nifong, a convicted liar. Cohan added a jailhouse chat with Mangum, who is now serving an 18-year prison sentence for murdering her boyfriend. Cohan deemed her “rational, thoughtful, articulate” even though her newest story contradicted each of her prior accounts.

From these two discredited and highly compromised sources, Cohan advances two aggressively revisionist theses. First, he contends that “something happened in that bathroom that none of us would be proud of,” citing the Nifong-Mangum claim that a sexual assault in fact occurred despite all the DNA, photographic, physical, medical, and other credible evidence and witness accounts to the contrary.

In our opinion, Cohan has veered into potential slander by speculating in one broadcast interview that the falsely accused former students might have been “very successful at covering it up,” thanks to the “deep pockets” of their parents and attorneys. 

Second, Cohan portrays the “honorable” and “quite credible” Nifong as the real victim in the case -- a model prosecutor who was “railroaded” from office for the “red herring” of failing to give defense attorneys DNA test results that “didn’t matter.”                                                             
                              
In fact, Nifong's efforts to hide these test results -- showing the DNA of four males who were not Duke lacrosse players on Mangum despite her denials of having recently had sex -- were essential to Nifong’s own publicly stated theory of the case, undermined the credibility of his complaining witness, and violated two separate provisions of North Carolina law. It’s a primary reason the state bar relieved him of his law license. 
Cohan, too, breezily wishes away the fact that no lacrosse player's DNA was found on or in Mangum, a fact that all by itself proves that her stories of a long, brutal, three-man beating and gang-rape with no condoms could not possibly be true.

Despite these and many other fatal flaws, Cohan's book has been celebrated uncritically in the New York Times Sunday Book ReviewThe Wall Street Journal, the Daily NewsNewsday, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, the EconomistFT MagazineSalon, and the Daily Beast, and in interviews by MSNBC's “Morning Joe” and “The Cycle,” Diane Rehm New York MagazineCosmopolitan, and various public radio stations.
(Brian Lamb gave Cohan an hour on C-SPAN, but Lamb also graciously granted a request by one of us, Stuart Taylor, for an opportunity to respond to his own interview of Cohan.)

The review in the daily New York Timesby Susannah Meadows, was a bit more balanced than most. At least it acknowledged that “Cohan hasn’t unearthed new evidence” and “[t]here is still nothing credible to back up the account of an unreliable witness,” meaning Mangum. But even though these indisputable facts blow up the foundation on which Cohan has rested his book’s credibility, Meadows puffs Cohan's “exhaustive, surprisingly gripping retelling of the episode” as an “extremely impressive feat” that “proves its worthiness.”

Nor did the book's factual errors, internal contradictions, and relentless bias prevent David Shribman, editor of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, from extolling Cohan's “meticulous research and evenhanded tone” in his review for the Wall Street Journal. Or prevent Simon Akam from praising the book as “laudably even-handed” in The Economist. Or Mark Dent from lauding it as “fair and objective” in Shribman's Post-Gazette.
Meticulous? Even-handed? Fair and objective? Cohan appears to have quoted only five people for the record: Nifong, one of his lawyers, Mangum, former Duke Chairman Robert Steel, and one of the 47 lacrosse team members. (Because Cohan provided neither endnotes nor a list of his interview subjects, we may have missed one or two other on-the-record interviewees, but we doubt it.) Portraying Nifong as a courageous hero “crucified” for a few forgivable “mistakes,” the “even-handed” Cohan did not even attempt to give most of the people he helps Nifong smear a chance to respond.

This list includes the judge who sentenced Nifong to a night in jail for lying in court; the wrongly indicted players' five principal defense lawyers; the two North Carolina State Bar prosecutors who presented the case against Nifong; and the three bar disciplinary panel members who did disbar him for egregious prosecutorial misconduct after a five-day public trial in which he had a full opportunity to defend himself. The panel concluded that Nifong hid highly exculpatory DNA evidence and made inflammatory, race-baiting attacks on the accused in the media to help win the black vote in a tight primary election.

Such sins against the most elementary principle of journalistic ethics would “be pathetic mistakes for a daily newspaper story.” Those are the words of Joseph Neff of the Raleigh News & Observer, the journalist who broke more stories on the criminal justice side of the case than any individual reporter. He continues: “For an author spending months or years on a book, it’s a revealing choice to avoid interviews that contradict the revisionist narrative: that Nifong is the victim.”

Yet many interviewers of Cohan have taken their cue from an author who began -- and, from all appearances, ended -- his book with scant understanding of either criminal justice or higher education. (His three previous books dealt with the financial industry.)

Ignoring the mountains of exculpatory evidence in the case, the co-hosts of “Morning Joe,” for example, asked such probing questions as “No good guys here, you say?” and “What are the other details that really surprised and shocked you?” Of the falsely accused students, Leonard Lopate of WNYC wondered, “Is it fair to say they came from privileged backgrounds?” Of Nifong, Lopate sympathetically queried, “Did he feel that he was being railroaded?” 

At least two lessons can be gleaned from this disturbing performance by the media.

First, most of the mainstream media have proved incapable of learning from their own egregious mistakes. Eight years ago this spring, in a frenzy of liberal groupthink, they ignored obvious evidence of innocence for months. Meanwhile, they sought to uphold a storyline of a modern-day morality play, with privileged, loutish, white athletes brutally raping a noble African-American working mother.

As Jon Stewart told Cohan, who could not have been happy to hear it: "It is so tailor-made for what our media enjoys more than anything, which is a sensationalized conflict. This is white kids, richer kids, at a privileged university, a woman of lesser privilege, you know, this is, this is the perfect storm for them in terms of generating something. Unfortunately, it didn't work out for them in that she was not a particularly good exemplar of David versus Goliath."

Cohan's revival of the false narrative that Stewart rightly rejected allows the original rush-to-judgment crowd to comfort themselves with the fiction that they were right all along. For his part, Cohan substitutes the hopelessly vague claim that “something happened” in that bathroom. This is quite a retreat from Mangum's initial claim -- which even she has abandoned -- that she was gang-raped in a bathroom. But in fact, no credible evidence exists that any Duke lacrosse player was ever alone with Mangum in any bathroom, for any purpose at all.

Second, it seems that many book reviewers don't do much homework, or even read the books that they are supposed to be evaluating -- at least, not closely enough to notice the numerous contradictions, inconsistencies, and non-sequiturs (as well as false assertions) that litter Cohan's book.

As Radley Balko wrote in a Washington Post blog post, “While Cohan’s book continues to win airy praise in elite outlets from reviewers who have little prior working knowledge of Durham, it’s getting panned by people who have specialized knowledge of Nifong, and of the lacrosse case in particular.” The latter group includes each of us, in reviews published by The New Republic and Commentary, as well as Neff's review in the News & Observer and Peter Berkowitz’s review in RealClearPolitics

One reason for this discrepancy is that only people with independent knowledge of the facts have easily recognized the false and misleading nature of many Cohan assertions.

The upshot is many reviews by the casually informed, but politically correct, crowd  credulously parrot demonstrably false statements that can most charitably be attributed to Cohan's indifference to the facts and evidence -- amplified by his decision to avoid interviewing people who might challenge his (and Nifong’s) fallacies.

Here are seven such examples:

-- Cohan has presented as plausible Mangum's claim -- for the first time, in a prison interview by him sometime between 2011 and 2013 -- that the lacrosse players “shoved a broomstick up me” during the alleged assault, leaving "wooden pieces" inside her. In fact, that story flatly contradicted both the physical evidence (nothing about wooden pieces) and all of Mangum's more than a dozen prior statements, in 2006, 2007, and for years thereafter. None mentioned being assaulted with a broomstick. The only previous references to a broomstick in the case was the fact that during the four-minute "dance" in the living room, one of the never-indicted players picked up a broom that was leaning against the wall and suggested that the two strippers use it as a sex toy. This angered the other stripper, Kim Roberts, who stopped the performance, yelled curses, and stormed out of the room with the almost incoherent Mangum stumbling behind her. 
       
-- Cohan has asserted multiple times that he was the first journalist to disclose the findings of sexual assault nurse Tara Levicy's report of her interview of Mangum, and has repeated the claim even after being reminded on April 14 of our own 2007 book's extensive quotations from Levicy's report. That report was also cited in 2006 by CBS News’ “60 Minutes,” at least two major newspapers, several TV stations, and two blogs (including Johnson's) in 2006 and 2007.

-- In an April 25 radio interview, Cohan falsified the details of Levicy's report by asserting that the nurse “found evidence that [Mangum] had been brutalized and that she had been hurt very badly.” The report indicated nothing of the kind. Neither Levicy nor any of the other three doctors and four nurses who examined Mangum found any physical evidence of an alleged attack. Cohan has dismissed critics (including Taylor, directly) of such falsehoods as "haters" without indicating what he thinks they hate.

-- Cohan has hyped his book with wildly inflated assertions that the case cost Duke over $100 million, including payments of $20 million to each of the wrongly indicted players in 2007 to settle their claims against the university. The settlement also covered the more than 100 professors and administrators -- from Steel and Duke President Richard Brodhead on down -- who joined in trashing the lacrosse players in their hour of peril.

The settlements were actually about one-third of what Cohan asserts, as authoritative North Carolina journalist Bernie Reeves reported in July 2007 and as both of us have confirmed. The basis for Cohan’s estimate appears to be ill-informed gossip, which he calls “the consensus around Duke and Durham.”

-- Cohan's book, which repeatedly launches character assaults against the defendants, cites Nifong to assert that the wrongly indicted Reade Seligmann and his parents never paid his first two defense lawyers a dime. But Phil Seligmann, Reade's father, denounced the Cohan-Nifong claim as “patently false” in an interview with Taylor, saying that he had paid the two lawyers “hundreds of thousands of dollars” for all their work.

-- James Coman, the veteran prosecutor who led Attorney General Cooper's reinvestigation of the case, has denounced as “figments of [Nifong's] imagination” the former DA's assertion in Cohan’s book that Cooper “sandbagged” Coman and his colleague Mary Winstead by declaring the indicted lacrosse players innocent.
In fact, Coman told the N&O’s Neff that he and Winstead insisted that Cooper declare the students innocent. Cohan never called Coman or Winstead to check the accuracy of Nifong's self-serving speculation. (Cooper refused to talk to Cohan, as did the three defendants, apparently sensing Cohan's bias.)

-- Robert Steel, who in 2006 chaired Duke's Board of Trustees and whom Cohan praises as a key source, contradicted in an April 9 email to Taylor Cohan's claim that Steel agrees with Cohan and Nifong that “something happened in that bathroom that none of us would be proud of.”

While the pro-Cohan news outlets studiously ignore such problems with the book, the New York Times -- ignoring its own embarrassingly discredited reporting on the case in 2006 -- has once again led the way.
It followed the April 6 Meadows review with the even more uncritical piece by Caitlin Flanagan, calling Cohan's book "a masterwork of reporting" in the April 24 Sunday Book Review. Neither review mentioned the paper’s inglorious role in 2006. Cohan gushed in a tweet, “The brilliant Caitlin Flanagan totally gets it.”

Yet this media praise has coincided with a disinclination even of most sympathetic reviewers and interviewers to embrace Cohan’s innuendo -- central to his book – that some kind of assault did take place and that Nifong was the victim of a “kangaroo court,” the bar disciplinary panel.

(One notable, but not noble, exception is Karen R. Long, in Newsday, who does appear to accept the “something happened” claim in a brief review containing three factual errors about the evidence. Newsday has declined to correct them; and Long has refused comment.)

More typically, reviewers have glossed over or simply ignored the indefensible claims at the heart of this book, while hailing Cohan’s skill as a narrator -- his “intriguing recap of a courthouse battle,” in the words of Nick Anderson's somewhat mixed review in the Washington Post -- and focusing on his exhaustive recitation of the well-known facts that binge drinking and related bad behavior are endemic at universities and that big-time athletics often eclipse scholarly pursuits.

The book ends with a note from Nifong to Cohan saying he hoped one day Cohan could meet Nifong’s son. The author has reciprocated the sentiment: In a recent interview, he said with some passion that of all the characters in the drama, “I certainly feel sorry for Mike Nifong, the prosecutor, whose life was ruined because of this.” 

Cohan's sympathy for a rogue prosecutor did not faze the sympathetic reviewers and interviewers. But how deferential would they have been to Cohan if Crystal Mangum had been a mentally unbalanced, white sorority sister moonlighting as a prostitute (as did the real Mangum) who had hurled wildly implausible rape charges at three football players from a mostly black school?

And if in that context Cohan had glorified a prosecutor who had used race-baiting pre-trial publicity to rally the white vote in a racially polarized primary, and then concealed exculpatory evidence in the hopes of sending innocent people to jail for 30 years?

That question answers itself. The question that lingers is: When will they ever learn?
//
KC Johnson is a history professor at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center. Stuart Taylor Jr. is a Washington writer and Brookings Institution nonresident senior fellow. They co-authored the 2007 book “Until Proven Innocent: Political Correctness and the Shameful Injustices of the Duke Lacrosse Rape Case.”

Putin’s plan to reclaim the old Russian empire


May 3, 2014
When I was a child and Soviet dinosaurs roamed the earth, a potato chip ad dared Americans “Bet you can’t eat just one!” That about captures President Vladimir Putin’s lip-smacking attitude toward his neighbors and any territorial snack that was ever “Russian.” Over time, he’d like to devour the whole bag.
What’s often misunderstood about Putin is that, while he pines for the vanished image of Soviet power, he knows that Communism didn’t work. Nor does he expect to re-establish the Soviet Union’s domination over Europe’s eastern half (as much as he’d welcome it). Putin has become a Great-Russian nationalist, a bigoted throwback to the days before the Bolsheviks arrived. His intent is to regain all the lands that once belonged to the czars.
When President Obama declared in March that Putin “has no ideology,” he betrayed his ignorance of both history and Putin. Who’s briefing this guy?
Putin’s ideology is nationalism, the only belief system that may have killed as many human beings as Marxism. And when a “post-modern” talk-talk America president faces a Russian leader who’s a man of action and whose concept of nationhood refers to the late 19th century, our cherished negotiations merely seal the deal on what Putin’s already taken (anyone really think he’ll give back Crimea and flee from eastern Ukraine?).
Obama talks, Putin kills.
And make no mistake, Putin truly believes he’s entitled to reclaim Ukraine and a great deal more. In his view, independent capitals from Warsaw (yes, Warsaw) to Bishkek are integral and natural parts of the Russian imperium. He regards them as property stolen from its rightful owner: Moscow.
The Putin Doctrine gives Moscow the right, in his view, to intervene wherever ethnic Russians or merely Russian speakers are “threatened.”
Here’s a look at the long-term framework in which Putin means to reconstitute Russia’s empire with “blood and iron”:
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The Baltic states: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania

Like western Ukraine, these states are incontestably part of Europe, civilized, sophisticated and, incidentally, beautiful. But unlike Ukraine, they’re NATO members, a status that still serves as a deterrent to Russia. Putin would love to digest them, but even he’s reluctant to violate a NATO border — for now. But the coastline and ports remain attractive, as does the highly skilled workforce (Estonia may be the most “wired” state on the planet).
So what will Putin do? For now, he’ll exploit any opportunities to further divide the region’s Russian minorities from the indigenous majorities. And while Lithuania’s population is only 6% ethnic Russian (the Russian boot crashed down late), over a quarter of Estonia’s and Latvia’s citizens are ethnic Russians — and Putin’s invented claims that they’re abused.
Moscow’s playing a long game on this one, but, in the meantime, Putin doesn’t mean to let these states get too comfortable. For their parts, the local populations remember and hate what the Russians did to their countries — especially the Soviets.

Belarus

Hobbled by a dictator who knows he can’t afford to annoy Putin, Belarus, with its ethnic and linguistic affinities to Russia, is Putin’s when he decides he really wants it. Strategically, he owns it already, but without the hassle of paying its many bills. Only 8% of the population’s Great Russian, but the White Russian majority relates closely (“Belorus” means “White Russia”).

Poland? Yup, Poland.

The northeastern third, anyway, including Warsaw. The late czars ruled that stretch under one of the most cynical agreements ever wrought on the European continent. And Warsaw is, beyond question, a truly European city, a bridgehead to the West. Poland may be way down on Putin’s to-do list, but it’s there, NATO member or not. The bad blood spilled over centuries between civilized, European Poles and Russian barbarians (not least, the Soviet variant) has left some of the world’s most-profound hatreds. No country has suffered more injustice than Poland, and Russia has been the worst perp. As with Ukraine, for Putin this one’s personal.

Ukraine

Even in the three easternmost provinces currently under contention, ethnic Russians are not in the majority. But Putin is re-teaching the world the old lesson — which we’ve done our best to forget — that the fate of nations often isn’t decided by majorities, but by a determined handful of men with guns. Having seized Crimea with eye-popping ease, Putin is now beginning to gnaw at the rest of Ukraine.
He’ll take those eastern provinces when he’s ready, then expand along the Black Sea coast, building a strategic bridge to Crimea.
At his leisure, perhaps over years, he’ll snag the rest of Ukraine, too — including the far west that never belonged to Russia’s empire until raped by the Bolsheviks.
A key to understanding Putin is that he’s vengeful, a fiercely emotional man beneath his icy exterior, and he wants to punish Ukraine for derailing his initial plans. And we’ll let him do it.

Moldova

Putin will eventually want to connect Ukraine territory to the nuthouse pro-Russian separatists in Moldova’s breakaway “republic” of Transdniestria. Ukraine’s the main course, Moldova is dessert.

Armenia

Threatened by Muslim neighbors (yes, it was a genocide!), tiny Armenia, a fraction of what it was in its glory days, has long looked to Moscow as its protector and ally. If the dominos start falling in the Caucasus, Armenia will associate with Russia voluntarily — and gain territory from Azerbaijan for its loyalty. Few Russians, but plenty of ties.

Azerbaijan

Gas. Oil. Pipelines. Plus, Muslim (if liberally so). Azerbaijan serves as a pass-through for Islamist terrorists active in Russia’s neighboring and troubled state of Dagestan. Putin does not see yet just how to get it, but he certainly wants it — along with its southern border with Iran. Would the West stop him?

Georgia

Putin still has Georgia on his mind. When wrested from the Ottoman Turks over two centuries ago, Georgia became not only a vital outpost on Russia’s frontier but a loyal ally (and the birthplace of Josef Stalin). Outraged by Georgia’s new taste for independence, Putin has already dismantled part of the country through military action (and learned, in the process, that the West would do nothing but chatter). He’ll get around to the rest. Not many Russians left there, but Putin won’t care.

Uzbekistan

Putin would like to have it, but he just may decide it would be more trouble than it’s worth. As long as Uzbekistan toes the line and serves as a buffer north of Afghanistan, Putin may forego a second conquest. That said, Putin’s appetite could prove insatiable, and there’s a lot of history here. The daring, heroic Russian conquest of the savage emirates of Bukhara and Samarkand still resonates with Russians who know their history. Just when we were taming our Wild West, Russia was subduing its Wild East. And these are lands that conquerors have always found hard to resist.
Russians are under 10% of the population — and disliked, as I can personally attest, having been mistaken for one in a marketplace.

Kazakhstan

Even before he swallows the last of Ukraine, Putin is likely to turn east to Kazakhstan (before sparring with NATO over the Baltics). Almost a quarter of this vast country’s population is ethnic Russian, providing justification under the Putin doctrine — requiring only a few staged provocations — as well as a fifth column of agitators such as Moscow employs in Ukraine. Kazakhstan’s a tremendous prize, given its natural resources, the Baikonur space-testing ground, other defense facilities and a position that all but divides Russia’s west from its East. Kazakhstan will have even less capacity to resist than Ukraine, while the West will take even less interest in its fate.

Turkmenistan, Tajikistan & Kyrgyzstan

Turkmenistan has massive gas reserves, frontage on the Caspian, a border with Iran and 7% of the population is Russian —no doubt “endangered” in Putin’s mind. Look for Vlad to stir up trouble. Kyrgyzstan, also with 7% Russian population, already does Moscow’s bidding in important matters, so it might do as a mere satellite. Tajikistan is backward, raw, but useful if you have to deal with Afghanistan and parts south. Low priority for Putin, but he’ll keep an eye on it.

Ralph Peters is Fox News’ strategic analyst and a retired US Army officer who specialized in Russian affairs.