Tuesday, March 15, 2011

Three Cheers for Jack Cashill

By Herbert E. Meyer
http://www.americanthinker.com/
March 10, 2011

Would you believe me if I told you that while in Milan last weekend, I'd been to La Scala for the world premiere of a new opera by George W. Bush? And would you ever again take me seriously if I published a review of Bush's new opera in which I wrote that "...through this work, so infused with the passion of Carmen, the musicality of La Boheme and the drama of Tosca, our forty-third president takes his place as the most gifted composer in the history of American politics"?

Of course not. No one, not even that former-Bush-White-House-press-secretary blonde who keeps showing up on Fox News, would believe this because it's utterly preposterous. A man who has displayed not the slightest musical talent simply cannot sit down one day and produce an operatic masterpiece.

And as Jack Cashill proves in Deconstructing Obama, it is just as preposterous to believe that President Obama actually wrote his lyrical, extravagantly praised autobiography, Dreams from My Father. On page after page, chapter after chapter, Cashill shows why it simply isn't possible for Obama to have produced such a high-quality autobiography. For instance, Obama wrote nearly nothing before Dreams from My Father, despite being president of the Harvard Law Review, and what little he wrote in the years after Harvard is clunky and sophomoric. And yet Dreams from My Father contains some of the most elegant, evocative sentences ever penned by a politician:

I heard all our voices begin to run together, the sound of three generations tumbling over each other like the currents of a slow-moving stream, my questions like rocks roiling the water, the breaks in memory separating the currents....

Huh? Obama has been our president for more than two years, and hardly a day goes by without him blathering on about some issue. Jokes about his dependence on the teleprompter are a staple of the late-night television comics. The president's inaugural address -- which he surely didn't dash off casually, because he must have understood that this is the speech that one day will be carved into the marble wall of his monument -- contains not one memorable phrase or sentence. So how did he write the kinds of poetic, elegiac passages that make Dreams from My Father a literary near-masterpiece?

As Cashill shows, he didn't. And he demonstrates, with as much precision as you can get short of a DNA sample, that Dreams was actually written by Obama's Hyde Park colleague, friend and neighbor, the terrorist Bill Ayers. (There's even more evidence of Ayers' authorship in Cashill's book than in the articles about this he's written for American Thinker.) Oh, and Cashill reports two specific instances in which Ayers acknowledges his authorship of Dreams. That's interesting, to say the least.

Moving beyond the text of Dreams, Cashill does a masterful job walking readers through the details of Obama's complicated life, and showing why people who question every facet of Obama's bio are right to do so. How did such a mediocre student get into Columbia University, and then Harvard Law? If the "birthers" are nuts -- as Establishment pooh-bahs like George Will profess to believe -- how come the so-called "certificate of live birth" released online by the Obama team in 2008 doesn't list the name of the Honolulu hospital at which the future president is said to have been born. (My birth certificate lists the hospital. Doesn't yours? Have you ever seen a birth certificate that doesn't include the hospital's name?) And when lawyers in Kenya trying to track down anyone who might have a claim on the estate of Barack Obama Sr. contacted Obama's mother for the usual birth-certificate information about her son, how come she couldn't provide it? (By the way, Cashill pulls this troubling, but little-noticed incident, right out of Dreams. Also interesting -- or is "explosive" the better word.)

And it's even more interesting to read Cashill's riveting account of his mostly-futile efforts to get leading members of our country's mainstream media to take notice that something -- sorry, everything -- about Dreams and its purported author is seriously askew. And this is what makes Deconstructing Obama a seriously important book. Obama wouldn't be the first ambitious politician to have used a ghostwriter without giving credit to the wordsmith who made the rising star look good in print. But uniquely in Obama's case, his entire credibility during the 2008 campaign rested on his image as a brilliant man; a man who'd lived the multicultural life we'd been told could finally take our country beyond its racist, militaristic past and safely into the future.

By Deconstructing Obama page by page -- and piece by piece -- Cashill brings the reader to understand that in 2008 "Barak Obama" wasn't a candidate but a carefully created myth. The leftist mainstream media bought that myth, which is why they blew off Cashill and his overwhelming amount of evidence that so much about Obama was fraudulent. That's why Obama's close relationships with Ayers and with the vicious America-hater Jeremiah Wright were ignored by the mainstream media during the campaign, and also that telling comment by Michelle about her husband's candidacy being the first time she'd ever been proud of our country. After all, if any part of the myth turned out to be false, Obama's candidacy would have collapsed. That didn't happen, of course, and it's depressing to realize that when given the choice between a myth and a genuine war hero -- American voters chose the myth.

In the long run, reality always wins. Tomorrow, or next year, or sometime later this century the truth about Barack Obama will trickle out. And when that happens, "Barak Obama" will be exposed as a myth. And Jack Cashill will get the recognition he deserves as the best investigative journalist of our time.


- Herbert E. Meyer served during the Reagan Administration as Special Assistant to the Director of Central Intelligence and Vice Chairman of the CIA's National Intelligence Council. He is author of two new eBooks, How to Analyze Information and The Cure for Poverty

Jack Cashill's American Thinker Archive:
http://www.americanthinker.com/jack_cashill/

Today's Tune: The Raveonettes - Bang!

King Hearings Shine Light on Muslim Evasion of Responsibility

by Robert Spencer
http://www.humanevents.com
03/15/2011

New York state Republican representative Peter King (center, back) chairs congressional hearings on the radicalisation of US Muslims. Photograph: Alex Wong/Getty Images

Despite an all-out propaganda offensive by the Hamas-linked Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) and its useful idiots in the mainstream media, Rep. Peter King (R.-N.Y.) went ahead last week with his hearings on the radicalization of Muslims in the U.S. King had allowed himself to be cowed by his opponents, striking several useful witnesses he had originally announced he was going to call after complaints from CAIR and other Islamic supremacist pressure groups, but his hearings went wonderfully well anyway—if only in exposing the mendacity and absolute unwillingness of Muslims in America to confront Islamic jihad activity in their midst.

Just the fact of the hearings themselves had the Left and its Islamic supremacist allies in a tizzy, which in itself demonstrated that they had something to hide—and that they knew that we knew. So they went into full-bore fearmongering mode: Rep. Bennie Thompson (D.-Miss.) declared: “I cannot help but wonder how propaganda about this hearing’s focus on the American Muslim community will be used by those who seek to inspire a new generation of suicide bombers.” In other words, don’t fight back against the jihadists, for if you do, they will hit us again. Of course, if we don’t fight back against them, they will hit us again anyway, but at least our politically correct multiculturalist smugness will be intact.

Rep. Keith Ellison (D.-Minn.), whose pilgrimage to Mecca was paid for by the Muslim American Society, an organization of the Muslim Brotherhood, tried to steal the show by bursting into tears while reading an account of a Muslim who was killed on Sept. 11, 2002, and who had been, Ellison alleged, accused of jihad terror sympathies. But Ellison’s widely reported crocodile tears are in service of a deception. His claim that the Muslim 9/11 victim had been accused of terror links proved to be false. What’s more, the existence of Muslims who truly accept American constitutional freedoms does not mitigate or refute the existence of jihadists, jihad sympathizers, and Islamic supremacists among Muslims in the U.S., and vice versa. This would be an elementary point taken for granted by everyone were it not for the determined efforts of Ellison and his allies to obfuscate it.

Rep. Keith Ellison gets emotional during hearings. (The Washington Post)

Back in Ellison’s home state, Minnesota Public Radio ran a hand-wringing piece about local Muslims’ fear of a “backlash” in the wake of the King hearings. In a sane world, Minnesota Public Radio would be running material about how the Muslim community in Minneapolis and elsewhere was working hard to prove its loyalty to American constitutional values, and instituting programs to teach against the understanding of Islam manifested by Islamic jihadists. Instead, they’re the victims, as always. The media once again trotted out the tired line that Muslims are being persecuted even as the death toll from Islamic jihad attacks worldwide continues to mount.

Mainstream media journalists are drearily predictable in their readiness to retail this line. It is remarkable how it never seems to occur to any of them to ask even the most basic probing questions about what these poor victims actually intend to do on their side to try to prevent future jihad attacks, and thereby head off this frightening “backlash” that never actually appears.

Other Democrat lawmakers, meanwhile, charged that King’s hearings were too narrowly focused, and that he should investigate “radicalization” among the Ku Klux Klan and skinheads in the U.S, and not just among Muslims. According to the Associated Press, “to focus on just one group, Muslims, amounted to an abuse of power, discrimination, and propaganda for al-Qaeda, they said.”

Let’s see. Jihad terror mass murder in Fort Hood. Jihad mass murder plots thwarted in Portland, Baltimore, Lubbock, Tex., North Carolina, Times Square, on an airplane over Detroit, and more—and that’s just the last few months. How many mass murder plots have the Ku Klux Klan and skinheads cooked up in the same time span?

All the hysteria and denial from the Left and Islamic advocacy groups in the U.S. was telling: Clearly King has touched a nerve, and there is plenty to be found out about Islamic jihad sentiments and activity among Muslims in the U.S. Here’s hoping he presses on courageously, and finds it.


Mr. Spencer is director of Jihad Watch and author of The Politically Incorrect Guide to Islam (and the Crusades), The Truth About Muhammad, Stealth Jihad and The Complete Infidel's Guide to the Koran (all from Regnery-a HUMAN EVENTS sister company).

Halfway to Hell

In Memoriam

By Jay D. Homnick on 3.15.11 @ 6:07AM
The American Spectator
http://spectator.org/


This column about the murdered Fogel family was written a few times on other surfaces before I put it to paper.[1] First I etched it into my heart with a scalpel, then I inscribed it on the sacred parchment of Jewish history with a quill; finally, I spray painted it onto the bulletin board of the human race in a jagged graffito. After all this, I thought that maybe, just maybe, I could be lucid enough to share it with my friends through the printed page.

There are two small communities in Israel, Elazar and Itamar, named after the two surviving sons of Aaron. Their two brothers died shockingly to disturb a happy period for the Israelites, not long after the Exodus. The tradition teaches that there was a divine decree for all the children of Aaron to die, but Moses prayed and succeeded in saving half of them. Now, 3300 years later, the tableau is repeated in the town of Itamar.

Six children live at home in the same family, brutal killers invaded their home, yet half the children survived. One kid was sleeping on a couch instead of a bed, the two-year-old was curled in a small ball on his bed, and probably escaped notice. The 12-year-old sister stayed out late in a Sabbath youth group; parents in Israel are astoundingly tolerant of these wholesome gatherings and suspend their usual curfews.

So a heartless, soulless, gutless murder of a sleeping family only got the parents and half the children, including a three-month-old baby. That is the good news. All the rest is hellish tragedy, atrocity, inhumanity. Hamas announced that although they did not send the killer, they applauded his handiwork. Those peace-loving Palestinians strike again!

THIS IS THE HAPPIEST SEASON of the Jewish calendar. The holiday of Purim, celebrating the heroism of Queen Esther saving her people from the Persians 2300 years ago, will be observed next week. It is a day of goofy costumes and comedy, eating and drinking, a giddy time of hope. School plays are being performed in advance of the holiday, so little glittery crown-wearing boys and girls are skipping up the steps of school buses all over Israel.

Against this backdrop comes a bloody act of random cruelty. Climbing into a peaceful suburban home to slash the throats of its sleeping inhabitants; now there's a political statement. What does that tell the world about the culture of the people who can perpetrate such acts -- not as isolated instances of twisted menace but as publicly celebrated expressions of a national spirit.

Yes, you heard that right. Gaza residents hit the streets to express their jubilance, handing out candy and sweets in honor of the occasion.[2] We have our murderers, too, but we chase them into their dark dens and confine them in cages.

A Palestinian man offers sweets to Hamas policemen in the streets of the southern Gaza Strip town of Rafah on March 12, 2011 to celebrate an attack which killed five Israeli settlers at the Itamar settlement near the West Bank city of Nablus. (Getty Images).

Can someone reasonably argue that a peace treaty negotiated by some people in suits is going to pacify a culture that throws a party to honor the murder of a three-month-old child?

Well, perhaps I have not becalmed myself into lucidity after all. I am enraged, offended, provoked into a state of war. I reject the notion of statehood for the bloodthirsty, legitimacy for the ruthless. Ruthless is an appropriate word here; the woman they killed with three of her offspring was Ruth Fogel. Fogel is a bird, so Ruth Fogel means Bird-of-Peace. It does not take a genius to get the message of slashing the bird of peace.

You and I love the image of the bird soaring high and free; we love peace so much we are willing to overlook all sorts of slights and affronts and irritations and provocations. We want so much to impute good will and good faith to all of mankind, to men and women of every race and religion. But we cannot close our eyes to evil, to raw predatory evil, to naked evil wielding its scythe of destruction against all that is gentle and kindly and innocent.

I want so much to join my children and grandchildren in their Purim playlets, to get into the mood of the time. One more time the brutes have stolen the light right out of my eyes. Thank God they could not get it all; prayer has saved half of our goodness from the blade. Let us treasure what remains.

Jay D. Homnick, commentator and humorist, is a frequent contributor to The American Spectator. He also writes for Human Events.

Links:

[1] http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4041237,00.html

[2] http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4041106,00.html

Related:

http://frontpagemag.com/2011/03/15/j%e2%80%99accuse-palestinians-of-war-crimes-and-genocide/

http://frontpagemag.com/2011/03/14/atrocity-rocks-israel/

http://frontpagemag.com/2011/03/14/the-latest-human-sacrifices-to-the-islamist-death-cult/

http://www.nationalreview.com/corner/262130/dead-jews-no-news-mark-steyn

The Rock and Roll Hall of Lame

Fans should be able to elect the hall's members.

By Mark Goldblatt
http://www.nationalreview.com
March 14, 2011 12:00 P.M.


The news that Neil Diamond (pictured above) has been elected to the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame came as a shock. Not that I thought him undeserving. His influence on American popular music ranks only a notch or two below Bob Dylan’s — and unlike Dylan, whom I revere, Diamond consistently sings on key. What came as a shock was the fact that he wasn’t already a member. To be sure, I haven’t kept a close watch on the doings of the hall. The concept itself has always struck me as bizarre. A Hall of Fame for rock and rollers is like a Twelve Step Program for anarchists. It goes against the grain of the thing.

That said, Diamond seemed like a no-brainer. The guy’s sold over 100 million records worldwide and written dozens of memorable songs. Off the top of my head, and I’m sure I’m leaving out several obvious ones, I came up with: “Cherry Cherry,” “I Am . . . I Said,” “Brother Love’s Traveling Salvation Show,” “Holly Holy,” “Play Me,” “Song Sung Blue,” “Girl, You’ll Be a Woman Soon,” “I’m a Believer,” “Look Out (Here Comes Tomorrow),” “A Little Bit Me, A Little Bit You,” “You Don’t Send Me Flowers,” “Forever In Blue Jeans,” and “Longfellow Serenade.” I’ve heard an entire bar, drunks and teetotalers alike, sing along to “Cracklin’ Rosie” on the jukebox, an entire stadium sing along to “Sweet Caroline” over the loudspeakers. If he’s not a first-ballot rock-and-roll hall of famer — as peculiar as such a question sounds — then who is?

Except it turns out that Neil Diamond isn’t — or wasn’t — the only glaring omission from the hall. Also on the outside looking in are Billy Idol, the B52s, the Bangles, Blood Sweat and Tears, Carly Simon, the Carpenters, the Cars, Cat Stevens, Chicago, Deep Purple, the Doobie Brothers, Duran Duran, Electric Light Orchestra, Glenn Campbell, the Go Gos, Grand Funk, the Guess Who, Heart, Jethro Tull, Jim Croce, Joe Cocker, John Denver, KISS, the Monkees, the Moody Blues, Motley Crue, Olivia Newton John, the Pointer Sisters, Rick James, Slade, Ted Nugent, Three Dog Night, and Tom Jones.

I’m not arguing for or against the artistic merits of any of the performers on that list — compiled from conversations with friends over the last several days. To be honest, I hadn’t thought about half of them in years. (I confess, however, that I still vacuum to Tom Jones’s songs, especially “Delilah.”) Evaluative debates, when the topic is rock and roll, rarely rise above the Olbermann-level of discourse — which is a silly, scream-y place. I wouldn’t even be writing about the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame if not for a name that jumped out at me as I was cataloguing the exclusions, an inclusion so incongruous that it called into question not only the induction criteria but the coherence of the institution:

Patti Smith is in the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame.

Patti Smith.

I mean, c’mon. Patti Smith? Why not Yoko Ono?

Granted, Smith is intermittently literate — which sets her apart from the majority of her drooling punk-rock contemporaries. She also hung around with several indisputable talents, including Dylan and Bruce Springsteen (who incidentally owes more to Neil Diamond than he’s ever acknowledged). It was Springsteen who penned Smith’s only hit, “Because the Night” — though Smith jettisoned several of Springsteen’s unpretentious verses and contributed stilted ear-gaggers such as “Love is a banquet on which we feed.” She also had the right look, a kind of feminine hybrid of the Rolling Stones and the Ramones. Lastly, it should be noted — if only in passing — that Smith has the right (which is to say, knee-jerk leftist) politics: She’s petitioned for the release of cop-killer Mumia Abu Jamal and protested America’s support of Israel in its ongoing war with Palestinian terrorists. In other words, like so many of her generational peers, she remains in the diaper stage of moral reasoning; she’s never come to grips with the reality that the underdog is sometimes rabid, and she continues to react, as do so many graying baby-boomers, as though might invariably makes wrong. (For an insight into perpetual boomer infantilism, compare their ridicule of “Just say no!” as a drug policy with their embrace of “Give peace a chance!” as the height of geopolitical sophistication.)

Patti Smith with producer Jimmy Iovine and Bruce Springsteen
photo © 1977 by Joe Stevens


While Smith was wearing her radical bona fides on her sleeve, Diamond continued plugging away at his day job, writing and recording one hummable tune after another, including (gasp!) the patriotic anthem “Coming to America.” Yet Diamond, whose largely apolitical career began more than a decade and a half before Smith’s, and who has outsold Smith roughly 25 to one, had to wait until 2011 for his induction; Smith got her call in 2007.

Still, we shouldn’t read too much into the political angle. Though ideological bias is surely a factor in the nomination and election process — bet the farm that Charlie Daniels, who once published an open letter in defense of the invasion of Iraq, will never make the cut — it cannot by itself account for the overriding quirkiness of the Hall of Fame’s roster. For example, James Taylor and Jackson Browne both performed at the proto-Green No Nukes Concert in 1979, and both are in the hall. But Carly Simon, who also performed, and who in her heyday was a bigger star than either of them, has yet to be enshrined.

Indeed, if you take a step back, the hall resembles less a roll call of immortals than a high-school clique rooted in the anti-establishment ethos of the late 1960s. The sophomoric perception of coolness, rather than any discernable artistic or popular measure, seems the coin of the realm. Thus, a third-tier band like Buffalo Springfield gets in because two of its members — Stephen Stills and Neil Young — went on to perform at the boomer-hallowed Woodstock concert, whereas the Monkees, who rivaled the Beach Boys as the biggest American act of the decade, get shafted because they were put together by an entertainment conglomerate. (Ewww, like a corporation, man!) To be sure, rock and roll has always embodied a puerile spirit of rebellion and restlessness; nevertheless, you’d think that the passing decades would have taught even its diehard fan base that there’s scant difference between, say, the Spice Girls and Niggaz With Attitude, that Posh Spice and Ice Cube are both fictional characters — one a little girl’s lunchbox fantasy, the other a grumpier Stepin Fetchit. (The Niggaz, in fact, turned out to be better actors than the Girls.) Yet NWA is a mortal lock to make the hall once they become eligible in 2013 whereas the Spice Girls have no more chance of induction than the Partridge Family does — though both, by the criteria of record sales, fan base, and lasting influence, should get in long before Patti Smith. (Smith versus the Archies is a tougher call.)

The question of criteria, of course, is the 800-pound gorilla in every discussion of the Hall. Despite the fact that rock and roll is an avowedly proletarian art form, its Hall of Fame is even more of an elitist enterprise than most comparable institutions. Think about it. If I want to argue that Bobby Murcer belongs in the Baseball Hall of Fame, I can bring forward verifiable evidence — career stats, individual awards, team championships — to support my case. I’ll lose, based on that evidence, but at least I’ll have the satisfaction of engaging in a fair and open debate. What satisfaction is available to a fan of Grand Funk or the Moody Blues? All the verifiable evidence — again: record sales, fan base, lasting influence — points in their favor. But their case is denied, year after year, by a priesthood of industry insiders, who may take into account verifiable evidence, but in the end decide based on their own Beavis and Butthead aesthetic: “That kicks ass!” versus “That’s lame!”

So here’s a suggestion: Give the fans a voice. Keep the current requirements — artists become eligible 25 years after their first recording — but once the journalists and music execs have made their selections, let the people vote to induct one overlooked artist from every decade . . . one whose career began in the 1950s, one from the 1960s, and one from the 1970s. In 2015, open the fan voting for the 1980s and close the voting for the 1950s. Oh, and no prepared ballots with pre-screened candidates. Nothing but write-ins. As John Lennon, the patron saint of rock and roll, once sang, “Power to the People!”

If there’s a rock-and-roll heaven, I don’t think Jimi Hendrix will mind keeping company with Karen Carpenter.

— Mark Goldblatt’s latest novel, Sloth, was published last summer by Greenpoint Press.

Monday, March 14, 2011

Bored with the Good: The Ennobling Fantasy of J.R.R. Tolkien Part 4

by Leo Grin
http://bighollywood.breitbart.com/
March 12, 2011

It seems hard to remember now that there was a time when the American counterculture embraced J.R.R. Tolkien and his masterpiece. Groovy dudes in pipe-weed jerkins yelling “Go Go Gandalf,” walls covered with graffiti proclaiming “Frodo Lives!”, and election-year “Gandalf for President” buttons were all popular sights on college campuses from Harvard to Berkeley.

The author himself was properly repulsed by the hippie movement (and indeed, by what he saw as the entire slovenly depths of American culture in general), and late in life began referring to their nightmare world of antiwar riots and hedonism as “this Fallen Kingdom of Arda, where the servants of Morgoth are worshipped.” But it was not only our side of the pond that gave him grief: he watched aghast as his work became so superficially popular and grossly misunderstood among the hip and the mod in Great Britain that the Beatles expressed a desire to star in a film version of The Lord of the Rings, complete with Stanley Kubrick directing!

It was Gandalf himself who warned Saruman that, “He that breaks a thing to find out what it is has left the path of wisdom.” But that little nugget of common sense, and virtually everything else that made the book special, was passed over by those who were trying to snort, smoke, and screw their way out from under the thumb of The Man and Western Civ. Tolkien considered the free-love drug mob and its associated subgroups “cults of faineance and filth” that mindlessly smashed everything Old and Noble and Sacred while simultaneously embracing everything New, Hip, and Easygoing, all in a foolish, futile attempt to deconstruct and experiment their way to an earthly Utopia. Unlike so many from that crazed era, the man who decades earlier had laboriously penned Frodo’s arduous journey to Mount Doom knew better than to grant hippie pipe-dreams intellectual or spiritual credence.

“The essence of a fallen world,” he once wrote, “is that the best cannot be attained by free enjoyment, or by what is called ‘self-realization’ (usually a nice name for self-indulgence, wholly inimical to the realization of other selves); but by denial, by suffering.” Catholics will well-recognize this belief, and (in my experience) are laudably well-versed in the truth of its sentiments. “What a dreadful, fear-darkened, sorrow-laden world we live in,” Tolkien groaned in 1969, while the childish, cataclysmic madness was at its height. “. . . Chesterton once said that it is our duty to keep the Flag of This World flying: but it takes now a sturdier and more sublime patriotism than it did then. . . there seems nothing more to do than personally to refuse to worship any of the hydra’s heads.”

The chattering class, as it always does, ham-handedly tried to make sense of it all. In Life magazine for February 24, 1967, Charles Elliot did a good job of embarrassing himself while capturing the elite condescension of that time:

Surely [The Lord of the Rings] is not the stuff of which campus heroes are made, even though it does provide Tolkien aficionados with something to discuss over their pipe-weed, mushrooms and brown ale. What apparently gets the kids square in their post-adolescent sensibilities is not the scholarship top-dressing but the undemanding, comfortable, child-sized story underneath. No symbolism, no sex, no double meanings, no questions about which are the Good Guys and which the Bad, just a good yarn on the level of Tom Swift and His Electric Runabout.

The Lord of the Rings is thoroughly innocent. It is even innocent of ideas, which doubtless helps recommend it to those aggressive searchers for sincerity, the opt-out crowd. . . I am prepared to be generous so long as the whole thing doesn’t get out of hand.

Prepared to be generous. Gee, thank God for that! That’s the kind of pompous cultural gate-keeping that far too many professional critics engage in, and it always makes them look like fools in the long run. I note that, forty-five years later, Tolkien is as popular (and as critically studied) as ever, even while Charles Elliott is forgotten and the magazine he wrote for is defunct.

As the 1960s degenerated into the 1970s Tolkien’s popularity shot into the stratosphere, his book standing as a veritable beacon of light in the darkness of the Age. The counterculture, via Tolkien interviews and exposés featured in magazines and on TV, began to learn a bit more about the man behind the tripped-out novels that had them all abuzz. This was no cool, far-out elderly statesman like Timothy Leary or Pete Seeger, but a devout Catholic war veteran whose every public utterance seemed to shore up the old ways rather than mock them or tear them down. It wasn’t long before the pot-smoking, ’shroom-popping crowd abandoned Tolkien almost as quickly as they had embraced him.

The backlash was presaged as early as 1969, when two miscreant humorists (who soon after would found National Lampoon magazine) released Bored of the Rings, a popular parody penned in what would become the classic Lampoon style. Fun as it was for a few idle laughs, it also foreshadowed Tolkien’s future among the “we are the change we’ve been waiting for” halfwits. They were “Bored of the Rings” because the tale was now mainstreamed, and thus stripped of its counterculture cachet. Previously used by hippies as a literary lava lamp to inspire wild mental imagery suitable for dropping acid, making jejune political points at insane rallies, or freaking out one’s elders, it now possessed all of the utility of a used condom. Within a few years most ripped the Middle-earth posters off their walls, tossed out their Leonard Nimoy “Ballad of Bilbo Baggins” records, and moved on to the next fleeting hot thing.

*************************

At the hill’s foot Frodo found Aragorn, standing still and silent as a tree; but in his hand was a small golden bloom of elanor, and a light was in his eyes. He was wrapped in some fair memory: and as Frodo looked at him he knew that he beheld things as they once had been in this same place. For the grim years were removed from the face of Aragorn, and he seemed clothed in white, a young lord tall and fair; and he spoke words in the Elvish tongue to one whom Frodo could not see. Arwen vanimelda, namárië! he said, and then he drew a breath, and returning out of his thought he looked at Frodo and smiled.

“Here is the heart of Elvendom on earth,” he said, “and here my heart dwells ever, unless there be a light beyond the dark roads that we still must tread, you and I. Come with me!” And taking Frodo’s hand in his, he left the hill of Cerin Amroth and came there never again as living man.


*************************

“I seldom find any modern books that hold my attention,” J.R.R. Tolkien wrote again and again over the course of his long life. “. . . I am looking for something I can’t find.” Given the state of literature both before and after The Lord of the Rings, it’s not hard to imagine why. Purpose and Truth is such a rare thing to feel in art of any kind — books, film, painting, dance, song. It’s certainly utterly absent from the tales of modern authors who spend thousands of pages knocking our emotional and spiritual joints out of kilter in an effort to be hard-hitting, funny and edgy.

In so many stories from the “bored with the Good” crowd, readers are continually invited, even cleverly lured, into trusting their higher aspirations and nobler instincts, only to have those precious, delicate things cast back into their faces with a cackle. At base, it’s an attempt to deliberately scramble and pervert your inner compass — your moral and spiritual pole star — beyond all recognition, rearranging the stained glass windows of your mind until all that’s left are meaningless, mad swaths of bright color. To some of us, this is no light matter to be laughed at or ignored.

The work of modern authors like Martin, Abercrombie, Stover, et al. would have surprised Tolkien not a bit — he clearly anticipated the various attempts of today’s fallen fantasists to (d)evolve past The Lord of the Rings by making their stories “self-aware,” “quasi-historical,” “morally complex,” and (most laughably of all) “real.” Such authors, he felt, cultivate and cherish “sneer and cynicism” because it allows them to preen with the false belief that they are “freer from hypocrisy” than past generations, “since it does not ‘do’ to profess holiness or utter high sentiments.” Scaling hills of garbage and then gazing down on humanity as if from artistic or moral high ground didn’t impress Tolkien. “Inverted hypocrisy,” he called it, and deemed it a belief as false as “the widely current inverted snobbery: men profess to be worse than they are.”

In a letter to his son Christopher dated May 6, 1944, Tolkien said that much of his early writing on Middle-earth was conducted “in grimy canteens, at lectures in cold fogs, in huts full of blasphemy and smut, or by candle-light in bell tents, even some down in dugouts under shell fire.” He clearly was no stranger to the dank gutters of Life, and despite what lazy critics say his fiction adequately reflects this. Hobbits, Men, Dwarves, Elves, Wizards, and even Angelic Gods all are portrayed as fallible and fully capable of being tempted into great wickedness. “Some critics,” Tolkien sighed, “seem determined to represent me as a simple-minded adolescent, inspired with, say, a ‘With-the-flag-to-Pretoria’ spirit, and willfully distort what is said in my tale. I have not that spirit, and it does not appear in the story.”

Yet if, as Tolkien famously stated, “a safe fairyland is untrue to all worlds,” then equally untrue are fairylands devoid of sincere expressions and manifestations of “holiness” and “high sentiments.” Something that (even at this late date) is little known to average Tolkien fans is that soon after the publication of The Lord of the Rings he made overtures towards writing a sequel of sorts. The extant pages bear the title “The New Shadow,” and take place “about 100 years after the Downfall [of Mordor],” long after the death of King Aragorn.

Any hopes for a repeat of achieving a sanity and sanctity comparable to his earlier works were soon dashed by a sobering reality. “It proved both sinister and depressing,” he admitted, explaining that

Since we are dealing with Men it is inevitable that we should be concerned with the most regrettable feature of their nature: the quick satiety with good. So that the people of Gondor in times of peace, justice and prosperity, would become discontented and restless — while the dynasts descended from Aragorn would become just kings and governors — like Denethor or worse. I found that even so early there was an outcrop of revolutionary plots, about a centre of secret Satanistic religion; while Gondorian boys were playing at being Orcs and going round doing damage. I could have written a “thriller” about the plot and its discovery and overthrow — but it would be just that. Not worth doing.

Upon reading this, I’m sure our fallen fantasists would offer up a whoop of approval, and lament that the old white-bread professor hadn’t gone through with this tentative exploration of his fictional universe’s treacherous underbelly, exposing all of the heroism and holiness of his earlier books as a hypocritical sham. They might even feel a certain justification about their own work, seeing in it a continuation of where Tolkien’s nascent ideas about “The New Shadow” left off, bravely (and perhaps with a smirk, nod and wink) descending into sewers where even the Master feared to tread.

As for myself, I believe that Tolkien stopped work on “The New Shadow” because he knew that a fairyland attuned solely to the “sinister and depressing” would ring false, and that the things he cherished in works of high romance would feel too distant, too pale, in this new Age of Men. He knew in his heart that a fairyland bereft of heroism, nobility, and grace was just as “untrue to all worlds” as the reverse. And yet — like many artists past their prime — he was now too old and weary to seek out the rays of eucatastrophic sunlight which, in tales of Truth and Purpose, always manage to shine through the mass of dark billowing clouds threatening to engulf the world in everlasting gloom.

No, it took another brilliant writer to look deep into that grim, savage epoch of decadence and encroaching evil, and set against it noble men who leapt into battle with “the chants of old heroes singing in their ears.” In so doing, he thunderously proved that — in a true artist’s hands — hard-boiled is very different from nihilistic and morally reprehensible. The writer’s name is Robert E. Howard (pictured below), and by virtue of his haunting artistry, poetic splendor, and heroic sweep, he serves as Tolkien’s indispensable literary shield-brother in the fight against the vacuous capitulation to wickedness that infests so much of modern fantasy.


To be continued (in two weeks, after a much-needed vacation). . . . .

Author Archive (Find the first three parts of this series here):

http://bighollywood.breitbart.com/author/lgrin/

The Hidden Twinship of Jack Chick and Flannery O'Connor

[An interesting take on two writers that I may not have ever linked together until now. - jtf]

Though unevenly matched in either wit or craft, Flannery O'Connor and Jack Chick shared one keen insight: it is great fun to see bad things happen to bad people.

By Max Lindenman
http://www.patheos.com/
An Israelite Without Guile
March 07, 2011


Jack Chick, founder of Chick Publications, is a shadowy figure, practically the Keyser Söze of evangelists.

It is not known whether he raises peacocks or suffers from lupus. Personally, I hope he doesn't, but not because I'm afraid that chronic illness or an absorbing hobby will stop him turning out more masterpieces like "This Was Your Life." I just pray that something, anything, distinguishes him from Flannery O'Connor before the two merge, in the general imagination, like Chesterton and Belloc. The Chickonnor? God save us.

Flannery O'Connor (with self-portrait) in the living room at Andalusia, June 1962. (Joe McTyre/ Atlanta Constitution)

Winch your jaw back into place, reader, while I explain. Chick Tracts—those twenty-page pen-and-ink salvation dramas handed out by evangelists on street corners everywhere—have already drawn their share of bad press. Catholics and Hindus have cried bigotry. Gamer geeks, ahead of the curve as usual, have vitiated "Dark Dungeons," Chick's jeremiad against D & D, by adopting it as a camp classic. Spittle in the wind. Drawing glasses on the Mona Lisa deducts nothing from its contribution to the evolution of Western painting. Mocking Chick Tracts can't disguise their very real—if infuriating—brilliance. And nothing reveals that brilliance better than the structural resemblance they bear to the Maid of Millidgeville's estimable oeuvre.

The common formula for Chick Tracts and O'Connor stories is a simple one: some character, unpleasant yet eerily familiar, gets kicked in the spleen by the Eternal and Divine. In Chick's "Titanic," we follow Chester, a grasping, venal haut-bourgeois of the Gilded Age, as he boards the doomed ship. After violently rejecting his pious Aunt Sophie's call to conversion, he ends up . . . well, not so much nearer, my God, to Thee. The reader, it is hoped, will do better.

Compare that to O'Connor's story "The Comforts of Home." In "Comforts," readers meet Thomas, a sullen layabout forced to share his childhood home with Star Drake, a petty thief and sometime hooker taken up as a pet cause by his mother. Flummoxed by Star's sadistic flirting and disdainful of his mother's charitable impulses, Thomas hatches a plan to get the girl sent back to jail. In the interest of excluding spoilers, I'll simply say that, by the end, he might be happy to trade places with Chester.

The formula serves both artists—and I use the word advisedly—because it's great fun to see bad things happen to bad people. Schadenfreude is the emotion Christians keep tucked under our souls in brown paper bags. This is never truer than when the characters' badness is niggling and domestic rather than grand and cosmic. Anyone can imagine, say, Hitler or Stalin cast into the city of Dis. Inflicting the same fate credibly on the snowbird who rear-ended you or the dirtbag who sold you that suffocating 80/20 mortgage takes special talent.

With both Chick and O'Connor, this talent finds its apotheosis in their use of annoying, though apparently harmless, quirks to signify profound internal corruption. When we see Aunt Gladys, the eponymous heroine of Chick's caveat against psychics, sail into the room wearing a dizzily self-satisfied grin, we know she's in for a hot time. The moment any of O'Connor's backbone-of-America moms or farmwives commences firing clichés—that is, when she tells her son that Rome wasn't built in a day, or informs the patients in a doctor's waiting room that nothing beats a good disposition—we know the old harpy's due to get her mind blown, at best.

Now, it hardly needs saying that the better set of artistic chops belongs to O'Connor. When, in "The Displaced Person," she has Mrs. Shortley imagine foreigners "like the three bears, walking in single file, with wooden shoes on like Dutchmen," we guffaw in recognition. This feels like real human stupidity. When, in "The Sissy," Chick has a skeptical trucker named Duke concede that fighting Jesus must be "like fighting the bionic man, only worse," we wince. If Chick has never visited an actual truck stop, fine—the better to avoid near occasions of sin. But you'd think he could at least stand to check the TV listings from time to time.

Not all the advantages are on O'Connor's side, however. Although some of her stories—"A Temple of the Holy Ghost" and "Revelation," to name just two—end on a hopeful or ambiguous note, they are exceptions to the general rule. Far more typically, her characters' embrace their spiritual awakening as an empty Coors can might embrace a freight train. After experiencing Christ's passion, thanks to a scourging at the hands of his broomstick-swinging wife, the hero of "Parker's Back" ends up leaning against a pecan tree, "crying like a baby." And he's one of the luckiest by far.

In their own way, Chick's plots are subtler than that. Or at any rate, his outcomes show more variety. Although he consigns plenty of characters to the Lake of Fire, he makes sure that plenty of others get saved, in fundamentalist parlance, and live happily ever after. If reading an O'Connor story can feel like watching a grand and glorious train wreck, picking up a Chick Tract feels more like playing a round of "The Lady, or the Tiger?" This is especially true when Chick elects to save an apparent sociopath, as he does in "Bad Bob," or when he damns a relative naïf, as he does in "Somebody Goofed." Nowhere do prodigal sons get a warmer welcome than in Chick's sola fide universe; nowhere are dutiful elder sons in greater peril. The upshot: Chick's endings can actually catch readers off guard.

Critics praise O'Connor's reliance on "dark grace," which Patrick Galloway defines as "violence as a force for good," as a sign of her sophisticated vision. It certainly is that. Living through the loss of a parent, a painful disease, and an abortive affair with a psychotic poet must have qualified her uniquely to see Grace operating like an air force in a counter-insurgency campaign—destroying people in order to save them. But there's a more basic, more strictly technical reason why O'Connor's characters must end up miserable, if indeed they even end up alive. She makes them so detestable that no other ending could possibly satisfy the reader.

Would you want to share a pew with the grandmother in "A Good Man Is Hard to Find," after hearing her squawk about cute little pickaninnies? What about Mrs. MacIntyre, from "The Displaced Person," after witnessing her great sin of omission? Me neither.

In comparison, Chick treats his characters affectionately. Even those who are selfish (like Mr. Bronson in "Love that Money") or downright cruel (like the platoon sergeant in "Holy Joe") seem worth rooting for. His medium, cartoons, is tailor-made for creating this effect. When we see a character with an impossibly big nose or bug eyes, we can't help regarding him with some compassion. In that light, Chick's medium and his theology are in perfect sync. A believer in free grace and eternal assurance has to view humans through compassionate eyes: people can't help being what they are.

The Catholic O'Connor, seeing the State of Grace as a revolving door, mistrusted compassion for the opposite reason. As she put it, compassion, or excusing "all human weakness because human weakness is human" makes for bad art. Strip compassion from caricature and you're left with grotesquerie, a quality often ascribed to O'Connor, and which, I think, she would have achieved even as a cartoonist. If she'd drawn, say, a guest strip for Peanuts, Lucy would have snatched the football away from Charlie Brown, and Charlie Brown would have died of a brain aneurysm following his fall. Lucy, having seen Christ crucified from the goal posts, would have come down with a nasty case of alopecia that left her tonsured, crowned with thorns. Good grief indeed.

If O'Connor's principled rejection of compassion makes her a better theologian than Chick, it is not the thing that makes her a better artist. By no yardstick save the snob's has it made her a more successful one. Chick Publications claims to have sold 750 million tracts worldwide. Although the 86-year-old Chick reportedly farmed out the actual drawing to hirelings ages ago, it is his vision and formula that drives production, and has enabled the company to branch out into video. He may be a hack, but he's a supremely canny hack.

So what's the takeaway? That nobody ever went broke overestimating the public's tastes? There's no denying that. When it comes to scaring readers into turning the page, nothing works like the kind of paranoid dispensational premillennialist hoo-hah that Chick shovels up. But I'd argue Chick owes his success as much to the flip side, the feathery hope for salvation he serves up on the side.

Maybe, for writers as well as evangelists, the real lesson is that a spoonful of schmaltz helps the medicine go down.

Anything but Banal

By David Pryce-Jones
The Wall Street Journal
http://www.marketwatch.com/
March 11, 2011, 5:26 p.m. EST

The Eichmann Trial

By Deborah E. Lipstadt
Schocken, 237 pages, $24.95



Escaping to Argentina after World War II and adopting a false identity, Adolf Eichmann might never have been recognized as the Nazi criminal that he was. But in 1960, Mossad secret-service agents traced him in hiding and smuggled him to Israel. He was put on trial the following year for his crimes during the Nazi era. Israel was seen to be acting unilaterally in pursuit of its interests, and the furor that its actions aroused has never quite died down.

Eichmann was born in 1906 in Germany but moved as a child with his family to Austria. Until he became a clandestine member of the Nazi Party his path in life seemed destined to mediocrity and disappointment. Though intelligent, he took his opinions from those around him and believed anti-Semitic fantasies. The more successful Hitler was, the faster this henchman rose, from street brawler to Gestapo officer in the inner circle of Heinrich Himmler and Rein hard Heydrich.

At the close of the Wannsee conference of 1942, where the decision to exterminate all Jews had been taken, Eichmann drank two or three glasses of cognac with Heydrich to celebrate. For the rest of the war his special task was to organize the deportation of Jews to killing centers. Allies or neutral governments occasionally petitioned him to release a Jewish citizen of theirs. He refused invariably.

Many in the world argued that Israel had no legal right to capture Eichmann or to put him on trial for crimes committed before the state was founded in 1948. David Ben-Gurion, prime minister at the time of Eichmann's arrest, held strongly that Israel was the country of Jews and thus entitled to act on behalf of those killed for their Judaism. The permission he gave Mossad to seize Eichmann would ultimately color the world's perception of Israel and the country's view of itself.

In "The Eichmann Trial," Deborah Lipstadt, a professor of modern Jewish history at Emory University, presents a thoughtfully researched and clearly written account of the courtroom proceedings and of the debates spurred by the trial. She begins with a brief reminder of how, in a law court a dozen years ago, she obtained a judgment against David Irving, a British writer with a line in Holocaust denial who claimed that she had libeled him in her 1993 book, "Denying the Holocaust." The court found instead that Mr. Irving had falsified the historical record. Mr. Irving's relation to the Holocaust obviously cannot be com pared with Adolf Eichmann's, but Ms. Lipstadt argues that the motivations of both of these fanatics can be traced to the anti-Semitism endemic in European culture and religion.

In the Jerusalem court in 1961, the Israeli prosecutor, Gideon Hausner, made the trial into "a broad educational exercise" as well as place of judgment. He called about 100 Holocaust survivors to testify about their experiences. During the war, these people had surely been unaware of Eichmann's existence. Their harrowing ordeals had no bearing on his personal responsibility, but their public witness made the Holocaust a reality, and a moral issue, as never before.

Eichmann was "a disciplined and well-prepared defendant," Ms. Lipstadt writes. He obscured his anti-Semitism, she says, and manipulated the court to the best of his ability. Asked a difficult question, he would plead loss of memory. His consistent defense was that he had only carried out orders. Holocaust policy, he said, was outside his competence. He was "a little cog."

Ms. Lipstadt shows how Eichmann's self-portrait as an insignificant clerk, though contrary to the facts, came to be widely accepted. In large measure, she says, it was Hannah Arendt's doing. A German Jew who had fled her homeland for France and then the U.S. during the war, Arendt was by 1960 firmly established as a public intellectual in America. She reported on the Eichmann trial for the New Yorker magazine and produced a book, "Eichmann in Jerusalem" (1963), in which she coined the phrase "the banality of evil."

For Arendt, Eichmann was just an ordinary man, and any ordinary man might have done what he did. This was a perverse reading of human nature. As I can testify from my attendance in that court, Eichmann was a cold figure, though often snarling with righteousness and resentment. "Banal" was not a term applicable to someone unable to recognize his limitless moral depravity.

Arendt accepted that Israel did have the right to kidnap, try and even execute Eichmann, but her own prejudices diverted her from central principles. She didn't even engage fully with the proceedings. After only four weeks of a trial that lasted from mid-April to mid-August, Ms. Lipstadt notes, Arendt was already away vacationing in Switzerland. Returning briefly to Jerusalem, she again left so early that she missed Hausner's cross-examination of Eichmann.

Jews, Arendt felt, had let her down. Instead of resisting, they had accepted what the Nazis had imposed on them. They believed that Eichmann had victimized them as Jews but she knew better—that he had invented the new and revolutionary "crime against humanity" that happened to have been perpetrated against Jews. After the war, the Jews in Israel, she thought, adopted the wrong kind of Zionism. Ms. Lipstadt describes her as "flippant," "cruel" and "glib."

The thrust of Arendt's critique is that Israel ought to have a higher national purpose than providing a refuge from anti-Semitism. These days, that critique is tediously familiar—which makes it all the more telling that an American professor of modern Jewish history should argue in a quiet but determined voice that, in the Eichmann case, Israel was identifying and defending a worthwhile national purpose.

Mr. Pryce-Jones's "Treason of the Heart: From Tom Paine to Kim Philby" will be published in May by Encounter.

Saturday, March 12, 2011

The One That Got Away

Memoirist Rumsfeld seems to forget why we went to Afghanistan.

By Peggy Noonan
The Wall Street Journal
http://online.wsj.com/
http://www.peggynoonan.com/
March 10, 2011

I like Donald Rumsfeld. I’ve always thought he was a hard-working, intelligent man. I respected his life in public service at the highest and most demanding levels. So it was with some surprise that I found myself flinging his book against a wall in hopes I would break its stupid little spine.

“Known and Unknown,” his memoir of his tumultuous time in government, is so bad it’s news even a month after its debut. It takes a long time to read because there are a lot of words, most of them boring. At first I thought this an unfortunate flaw, but I came to see it as strategy. He’s going to overwhelm you with wordage, with dates and supposed data, he’s going to bore you into submission, and at the end you’re going to throw up your hands and shout, “I know Iraq and Afghanistan were not Don Rumsfeld’s fault! I know this because I’ve now read his memos, which explain at great length why nothing is his fault.”

Fault of course isn’t the point. You’d expect such a book (all right—you’d hope) to be reflective, to be self-questioning and questioning of others, and to grapple with the ruin of U.S. foreign policy circa 2001-08. He was secretary of defense until 2006, in the innermost councils. He heard all the conversations. He was in on the decisions. You’d expect him to explain the overall, overarching strategic thinking that guided them. Since some of those decisions are in the process of turning out badly, and since he obviously loves his country, you’d expect him to critique and correct certain mindsets and assumptions so that later generations will learn. When he doesn’t do this, when he merely asserts, defends and quotes his memos, you feel overwhelmed, again, by the terrible thought that there was no overall, overarching strategic thinking. There were only second-rate minds busily, consequentially at work

Second-rateness marks the book, which is an extended effort at blame deflection. Mr. Rumsfeld didn’t ignore the generals, he listened to them too much. Not enough troops in Iraq? That would be Gen. Tommy Franks. Turkey’s refusal to allow U.S. troop movements? Secretary of State Colin Powell. America’s failure to find weapons of mass destruction? “Obviously the focus on WMD to the exclusion of almost all else was a public relations error.” Yes, I’d say so. He warned early on in a memo he quotes that the administration was putting too much emphasis on WMD. But put it in context: “Recent history is abundant with examples of flawed intelligence that have affected key national security decisions and contingency planning.”

A word on the use of memos in memoirs. Everyone in government now knows his memos can serve, years later, to illustrate his farsightedness and defend against charges of blindness, indifference, stupidity. So people in government send a lot of memos! “Memo to self: I’m deeply worried about Mideast crisis. Let’s solve West Bank problem immediately.” “Memo to Steve: I’m concerned about China. I’d like you to make sure it becomes democratic. Please move on this soonest, before lunch if you can.” A man in the Bush administration once told me of a guy who used to change the name on memos when they turned out to be smart. He’d make himself the sender so that when future scholars pored over the presidential library, they’d discover what a genius he was.

Most memos prove nothing. It is disturbing that so many Bush-era memoirs rely so heavily on them.

But the terrible thing about the Rumsfeld book, and there is no polite way to say this, is the half-baked nature of the thinking within it. The quality of analysis and understanding of history is so mediocre, so insufficient to the moment.

Which gets me to the point at which I tried to break the book’s spine.

If you asked most Americans why we went into Afghanistan in the weeks after 9/11, they would answer, with perfect common sense, that it was to get the bad guys—to find or kill Osama bin Laden and his al Qaeda followers, to topple the Taliban government that had given them aid and support, to destroy terrorist networks and operations. New York at the time of the invasion, October 2001, was still, literally, smoking; the whole town still carried the acrid smell of Ground Zero. The scenes of that day were still vivid and sharp. New York still isn’t over it and will never be over it, but what happened on 9/11 was fresh, and we wanted who did it to get caught.

America wanted—needed—to see U.S. troops pull Osama out of his cave by his beard and drag him in his urine-soaked robes into an American courtroom. Or, less good but still good, to find him, kill him, put his head in a Tiffany box with a bow, and hand-carry it to the president of the United States.

It wasn’t lust for vengeance, it was lust for justice, and for more than justice. Getting Osama would have shown the world what happens when you do a thing like 9/11 to a nation like America. It would have shown al Qaeda and their would-be camp followers what kind of unstoppable ferocity they were up against. It would have reminded the world that we are one great people with one terrible swift sword.

The failure to find bin Laden was a seminal moment in the history of the war in Afghanistan. And it was a catastrophe. From that moment—the moment he escaped his apparent hideout in Tora Bora and went on to make his sneering speeches and send them out to the world—from that moment everything about the Afghanistan war became unclear, unfocused, murky and confused. The administration in Washington, emboldened by what it called its victory over the Taliban, decided to move on Iraq. Its focus shifted, it took its eye off the ball, and Afghanistan is now what it is.

You’d think, nearly a decade after the events of Tora Bora, that Mr. Rumsfeld would understand the extent of the error and the breadth of its implications. He does not. Needless to say, Tora Bora was the fault of someone else—Gen. Franks of course, and CIA Director George Tenet. “Franks had to determine whether attempting to apprehend one man on the run” was “worth the risks.” Needless to say “there were numerous operational details.” And of course, in a typical Rumsfeldian touch, he says he later learned CIA operatives on the ground had asked for help, but “I never received such a request from either Franks or Tenet and cannot imagine denying it if I had.” I can.

Osama bin Laden was not “one man on the run.” He is the man who did 9/11. He had just killed almost 3,000 people at the World Trade Center, at the Pentagon, in a field in Pennsylvania. He’s the reason people held hands and jumped off the buildings. He’s the reason the towers groaned to the ground.

It is the great scandal of the wars of the Bush era that the U.S. government failed to get him and bring him to justice. It is the shame of this book that Don Rumsfeld lacks the brains to see it, or the guts to admit it.

Cowboy Subsidies

In Harry Reid’s world, the cowboy embodies dependency without end.

By Mark Steyn
http://www.nationalreview.com
March 12, 2011 4:00 A.M.

How mean-spirited are House Republicans? So mean-spirited that they would end federally funded cowboy poetry! Last Tuesday, Harry Reid, the majority leader, took to the Senate floor to thunder that this town ain’t big enough for both him and the Mean-Spirited Kid (John Boehner).

“The mean-spirited bill, HR 1 . . . eliminates the National Endowment of the Humanities, National Endowment of the Arts,” said Senator Reid. “These programs create jobs. The National Endowment of the Humanities is the reason we have in northern Nevada every January a cowboy-poetry festival. Had that program not been around, the tens of thousands of people who come there every year would not exist.”

“Tens of thousands” would “not exist”? There can’t be that many cowboy poets, can there? Oh, c’mon, don’t be naïve. Where there are taxpayer-funded cowboy poets, there must surely be cowboy-poetry festival administrators, and a Bureau of Cowboy-Poetry Festival Licensing, and cowboy-poetry festival administration grant-writers, and a Department of Cowboy Poetry Festival Administration Grant Application Processing, and Professors of Cowboy-Poetry Festival Educational Workshop Management at dozens of American colleges credentialing thousands of cowboy-poetry festival workshop coordinating majors every year.

It all adds up. In western railroad halts where the Last Chance Saloon shuttered in 1893, dusty one-horse towns are now glittering one-grant towns, where elderly hoochie-koochie dancers are being retrained to lead rewarding lives as inspectors from the Agency of Cowboy-Poetry Festival Handicapped-Access Compliance. Used to be a man could ride the range for days on end under lonesome skies with nuthin’ on the horizon ’cept a withered mesquite and a clump of sagebrush, but now all you see are clouds of dust and all you hear’s the mighty roar of thundering hooves as every gnarled ol’ wrangler in the territory races for the last hitching post outside creative-writing class.

Well, it’s easy to mock, and in the hours after Senator Reid’s effusions many of us on the Internet did. I liked Mary Katherine Ham’s channeling of Ted Kennedy: “John Boehner’s America is a land in which cowboys would be forced into back-alley poetry recitations.” Funny — although, being an example of private-sector non-government-funded wordsmithing, it obviously doesn’t “create jobs.”

But what’s more difficult to figure out is why everyone doesn’t mock — and why Senator Reid (and presumably senior flunkies in the bloated emir-sized retinues that now attend our “citizen-legislators”) thought this would be a persuasive line of argument. This year, the NEA will be giving $50,000 toward the exhibition “Ranchlines: Verses And Visions Of The Rural West” in Elko.

What’s the big deal? It’s 50 grand, a couple of saddlebags in small bills. Not a large sum. But then when you’re Harry Reid staggering around in your trillion-gallon hat, it’s all small potatoes, isn’t it?

He and too many other Americans seem to be living their version of the old line: If you owe the bank a thousand dollars, you have a problem; if you owe the bank a million dollars, the bank has a problem. America owes the world $14 trillion, so the world has a problem.

And, if it’s the world’s problem, why bother our pretty little heads about it? I’m struck by the number of times I’ve been blithely assured by insiders in D.C. and elsewhere that “it’s not in China’s interest” to yank the rug out from under America: We don’t need to do anything drastic, because they won’t do anything drastic. I’m not so sure I could claim with any degree of confidence to know what China considered to be in its interest. But we have the planet’s most lavishly funded intelligence agency, so they’re bound to be on top of it, aren’t they?

In the new budget, there’s a request from the CIA for an emergency appropriation of $513.7 million. Great! A mere half-billion. That’s enough for 10,000 cowboy-poetry festivals. So what’s it for? Toppling Kim Jong-Il? Taking out the Iranian nuclear program?

Er, no. It’s an emergency payment to stop the CIA pension fund from going bankrupt next year with unfunded liabilities of $6.4 billion. The CIA failed to foresee the collapse of the Iron Curtain until it happened. It failed to spot that Pakistan was going nuclear until it happened. But, when the world’s most bounteously endowed intelligence agency fails to spot that its own pension fund is going bankrupt until it happens, I wouldn’t bet the future on anyone in the United States government having much of a clue about what is or isn’t “in China’s interest.”

That leaves America to calculate what’s in America’s interest. And Harry Reid seems to have figured that it’s in America’s interest (or, at any rate, his) to spend like there’s no tomorrow even as the clock chimes quarter-to-midnight. And, when the Complacent Caballero tells you that we cannot contemplate doing anything as “mean-spirited” as a $50,000 cut in a poetry festival, he’s telling you it’s over.

What else do we fund apart from cowboy poetry? Well, American taxpayers fund the vast bulk of the rapidly expanding Chinese military merely through interest payments on the debt. This is the point in the cowboy movie when the guy squints through the window of the shack and says, “It’s quiet out there. Too quiet.”

What do you need to write cowboy poetry? Words like “tumbleweed” and “chaps.” Also, trochees, spondees, and dactyls. Pencil and paper. Total cost: 79 cents. Maybe you and a half-dozen other cowboy poets like to book the back room at the local bar once a month for an evening of cowboy poetry and a few beers. Total cost: couple hundred bucks. Maybe folks get word and you figure you should get a bigger room and invite the public and charge a three-dollar admission. Why does any of this require national subsidies managed by a distant bureaucracy thousands of miles away?

Well, because these days, what doesn’t? Once upon a time, the cowboy embodied the rugged individualism of the frontier. In Harry Reid’s world, he embodies dependency without end. To “preserve” the “tradition,” it is necessary to invert everything the tradition represents: From true grit to federally funded grit. Thus America, bouncing along in the Dead Wood Stage of history.

Whipcrack-away, whipcrack-away, whipcrack-away!

— Mark Steyn, a National Review columnist, is author of America Alone.© 2011 Mark Steyn.

Friday, March 11, 2011

When bishops brawled: An interview with Philip Jenkins

Have you ever had a fist fight about the natures of Christ? If you have, you would fit right in among ancient Christians, says this church historian.

By Meghan Murphy-Gill
A U.S. Catholic interview
http://www.uscatholic.org/node/5820
Friday, January 15, 2010

Christians today may take it on faith that Jesus has both human and divine natures, but any church historian will tell you that in the early church the question sparked a wild and even deadly debate that lasted for centuries, centering on three church councils in the mid-400s.

Professor Philip Jenkins, who studies Christianity both ancient and modern, devotes a whole book to the story, but there's more to it than just airy theological questions. Scheming bishops, monastic militias, and the imperial court all played their parts, along with a healthy dose of chance.

"When you look at history, you realize that what we think of as orthodoxy gets established only gradually by a long series of events, which seem to be almost random," says Jenkins of the story he tells in Jesus Wars (HarperOne, 2010). "Is it pure chance or, looking at it in a good Old Testament way, is it providence?"

Theological questions aside, Jenkins argues that ancient conflict among Christians contributed to the rapid spread of Islam in the seventh century in what had been the heartland of Christianity. "Where did Islam come from? You cannot understand how Islam appears in the seventh century unless you understand the world of the divided churches," he says. "A lot of problems that we think about as modern actually go back 1,500 years or more."

Your new book is called Jesus Wars. Why would you describe the debate over the natures of Christ as a war?

For several hundred years, especially in the 400s and following centuries, the whole world revolved around literal and figurative wars over who Jesus was. That basic question ultimately destroyed the Roman Empire and led to the deaths of tens of thousands of people during the fifth century.

What were they fighting about?

The basic question was: Who is Christ? Today we have the phrase "fully God and fully human." But when you think that through, you end up with a lot of questions, which maybe we don't pursue logically anymore.

For example there's the common belief that Mary is the mother of God. Does that mean that Mary was literally and directly the mother of the God who created the universe? Does that mean when Jesus was a toddler crawling around on the floor, he was God?

If you worship Christ, what are you worshiping? If Christ is God, then you worship him as you worship God, but he's not really somebody you can identify with. If Christ is just human, then you're worshiping a man, and you do not have access to the full power of God.

This sounds like a debate for theologians. Did common people really care?

Back then, good Christians understood that if your bishop believed something that was flat wrong, you would pay for it in direct terms. There would be floods and famine and earthquakes. Why was there an earthquake that killed 10,000 people, as there was in ancient Antioch? Well, it's obviously because the bishop believed this weird nonsense about Christ.

It mattered to the politicians, too. The Roman Empire was in crisis in the fifth century: This was the time of the great barbarian invasions. Everyone's wondering which part of the Roman Empire would collapse next. How did you know you'd done something wrong? You lost your next battle with Attila the Hun.

Theological ideas don't exist in a vacuum. The toughest thing to explain to people in the fifth century would be the difference between politics and religion. They would see the distinction as meaningless. Religion was about God and how God took care of the world, including how God rewarded and punished states.

So people talked about this on the streets?

Famous passages from Christian writers of the fourth and fifth centuries claim that if you asked the baker for a couple of loaves, you'd get a lecture on whether the Son is greater than the Father in the Trinity. If you went to a bank and asked for the exchange rate, they would explain that the Holy Spirit comes forth from the Father and from the Son.

How much understanding people had, we don't know. But they certainly knew the slogans.

How did Christians line up?

There were basically two parties, which I call "one-nature" and "two-nature." The one-nature believers emphasized the divine character of Christ. Some of them just said simply that Christ is God, though there are variations. We generally call these people Monophysites.

The two-nature believers argued that divine and human both exist within Christ but are not fully merged. These people tend to get called "Nestorians" after a bishop named Nestorius, who was condemned as a heretic, though he would probably be considered orthodox today.

Both sides tended to exaggerate how weird the other was. The two-nature believers looked at the one-nature folks and said they believed that Christ is God merely visiting earth as a tourist. The Monophysites said that two-nature believers must think Christ has multiple personalities, divine and human.

How did people show what side they were on?

This sounds very modern, but it was like being a fan of a particular sports team. The big social events in the Roman cities, especially Constantinople, were chariot races, and people started wearing different colors. You were either a blue (two-nature) or a green (one-nature).

These groups were basically like soccer hooligans or street gangs, but were also connected with political factions. Sometimes tensions erupted and people were killed in riots and protests.

Were there any religious "weapons"?

Christians at this time had strict rules that people had to share the same beliefs to be part of the same church. If they weren't, they were heretics and you couldn't share Communion with them. If the bishop had a different view from his people, nobody would take Communion with him.

Ancient Christians would be appalled that bishops today are not excluding more people from Communion. Denying Communion was a standard tactic.

Sometimes Communion was even forced on people. In one story soldiers grabbed nuns of one faction in Constantinople and basically forced Communion into their mouths. The nuns literally took Communion kicking and screaming. One man became famous as Cyrus the Spitter, because he spit out the host, which then got him tortured to death.

Interestingly that is how the fight is taking place today in the Anglican Communion over homosexuality and the role of women. Many African bishops are refusing to share Communion with bishops of churches they disagree with because the Africans do not see the other bishops as orthodox.

Why were these questions arising at this point in history?

A large part of it was connected with establishment. Christianity received toleration in 313, but then the empire had to decide which particular part of Christianity it was going to tolerate. In the fourth century the Roman Empire got more specific about who it recognized as legitimately Christian. There was a lot at stake, because once you said that somebody was not legitimately Christian, they didn't have the right to have church buildings and would have to operate secretly.
The world became a lot less tolerant as the fourth century went on. In 385 the Roman Empire executed its first heretic, and by the 430s people talked about burning heretics quite regularly. By the year 500 your life depended on whether you were the right kind of Christian.

Was there more than just a theological debate going on?

A large part of this was power politics. Today we are used to a Christian world that has two main historical "centers": Rome (Catholic) and Constantinople (Orthodox). That's how it's been since the 800s. But in the fourth century the bishops of cities like Antioch and Jerusalem and Alexandria in Egypt were also powerful and important. So there was a lot of jockeying about for power.

The Alexandrian bishops can be compared to the Soprano crime family. Their greatest representative was Cyril, but there was a series of powerful, savvy Alexandrian bishops. The patriarchs conspired especially against Constantinople, the imperial capital, but also against anyone who stood in their way.

How do we know about the politics?

Nestorius, who was bishop of Constantinople, shows up in most seminary training as the fall guy for something called the "Nestorian heresy," even though he was almost certainly not a heretic and would have been very much in tune with modern Catholics.

In the year 431 he's condemned at the First Council of Ephesus and thrown out of power. Sources written by his enemies say his tongue rotted out and he died, but he actually went into exile and wrote a juicy autobiography, which didn't turn up in the West until the 19th century.

In it he almost literally tells where the bodies are buried. It's like he's writing live from a couple of big church councils: who's bribing whom, who's on whose side. It makes for great reading, though he's certainly not unbiased.

What about the bishop of Rome?

The pope at the time, Leo the Great, is an interesting one. Two years after the Council of Chalcedon (451), which decided the question of the natures of Christ based on a treatise he allegedly authored, Leo wrote a wonderful letter asking if someone could tell him what happened at the council. He couldn't get anything he could read. He didn't understand a word of Greek, and all the theological debates were in Greek.

Rome was a heavyweight name, but when the Romans showed up at the councils, they didn't speak the language and had to rely on bad translations.

Rome was on the make at this time. From the 370s to the 440s, everything that we think of in terms of the papacy was coming into existence. That's when popes really emphasized being the heir of Peter. One reason they pushed so hard was because they were in a distant corner of the Roman world. Power was in Constantinople, and Rome could fall any day to the barbarians. Papal claims escalated as the pope's real power declined.

You point out in your book that monks also played an important role.

Monasticism was fairly new at this point. It emerged in the third and fourth centuries, and by the fifth there were literally large armies of monks, especially in Egypt, fanatically devoted to the church and willing to be turned out as clerical militias at a council. An Islamic militia in Iraq or Somalia today is a good analogy. And that doesn't mean they were out-of-control monks; they were doing what they should have been doing, literally fighting for the church.

The monks also reflected a turning point in social history. The Roman Empire was clean and well-washed; people took baths. But by the fifth century a lot of Christians started thinking that cleanliness was the opposite of godliness. The less you washed, the holier you were.

Imagine what an ancient council must have been like on a hot August day on the Mediterranean, with several hundred monks who had never washed. The smell must have been unbelievable.

How did church councils work?

Think of the U.S. Congress. When you have a debate in the Senate you know exactly how many senators there are, exactly what the rules are, how many senators you need to avoid a filibuster.

In church councils you knew none of the above. Councils didn't meet regularly, so there was often nobody around to remember what happened last time.

There's no set number of bishops at a council. In the ancient world nobody even knew how many bishops there were. The standard guess is 1,200, but nobody really knew, then or now, because in North Africa you couldn't throw a stone without hitting a bishop.

It was also the ancient world, so not everyone could get there; there were Huns and other barbarians on the road. If you got 200 or 300 bishops, you were doing pretty well.

There were no formal voting procedures either. Things were done in a kind of ritualized acclamation, more like North Korea than the U.S. Congress. Some of the shouts actually are more like cheers: "Glory to the great Bishop Cyril, the Holy Spirit speaks through him! He's the 13th apostle, let's hear it for Cyril!"

Any council was likely to spawn a dissident minority, which was going to put in its own report. Then everything went to the emperor, and both sides would lobby and bribe him furiously.

How did all this result in a resolution? We're obviously not fighting about the two natures of Christ today.

The issue came to a head in 428, when Nestorius became bishop of Constantinople. Between 428 and 431 he gave a couple of sermons that basically divided the Christian world in a mere three years.

He infuriated the Alexandrians, and in 431 they called the First Council of Ephesus to condemn Nestorius. The Alexandrians, who were Monophysites, said Nestorius leaned too far toward two-nature thinking, though later Nestorius agreed to what we today would call orthodox Catholic doctrine.

In 431 the council started, but a large chunk of the bishops, 50 or 60, didn't turn up from Antioch and the other eastern cities, where two-nature theology was strongest. One theory is weather; another is they were afraid of being beaten up by monks. So they took a leisurely couple of months to make a trip that should have only taken them about a week.

Meanwhile, in Ephesus on the Mediterranean, it was very hot. Bishops were starting to die regularly from heat. So they condemned Nestorius, sending a friendly letter to him which they began, "Dear Judas."

Finally the other bishops showed up, and they excommunicated the bishops who excommunicated Nestorius. After a while you needed flash cards to figure out who excommunicated whom. The controversy migrated to Constantinople, where everyone was trying to lobby the emperor.

Finally the Cyril faction brought out a famous one-nature holy man, Dalmatius, a monk who hadn't left his cell in years, and paraded him through the city, which caused a riot and basically forced the emperor to give in. Nestorius was out of office.

So Alexandria won?

For the moment. Over the next few years, the Monophysites became more and more extreme until finally some of them claimed Christ is just God and not human. There was a fight over this that led to the Second Council of Ephesus in 449, where a large group of monks showed up to intimidate anyone who opposed the bishop of Alexandria. If any bishop or priest on the other side tried to write an accurate account of the proceedings, a bunch of monks would take the pen out of his hands and break his fingers.

It was so violent and dangerous that the monks actually beat the patriarch of Constantinople to death. Today it's called the Robber Council or the Gangster Synod.

The Egyptians basically moved the ecclesiastical world away from Rome and Constantinople. It looked like it was going to be a Monophysite world based in Alexandria.

How is it that we're not following the pope of Alexandria today?

It seemed like nothing could go wrong until one day the emperor, Theodosius II, was out riding and his horse tripped and the emperor died. If you were a good medieval Catholic Christian, you absolutely believed that God made that horse trip. There was a new emperor, and more to the point, a new empress who happened to believe some very "blue," two-nature ideas, very Roman ideas.

What role did the new empress play?

Her name was Pulcheria, and she was the sister of the emperor who fell off the horse. And for about 30 years she was the guiding force in preserving what we today call Catholic Christianity.

As a teenage girl, Pulcheria was very pious and wanted to be a nun. She ran a whole cult of holy virgins around herself, as if she was the Virgin Mary. People addressed hymns to her. If any woman did this sort of thing several hundred years later in Christian Europe, she probably would have been burned at the stake as a witch.

Pulcheria was the one who did all the behind-the-scenes battling first against Nestorius, whose theology of the Virgin Mary wasn't exalted enough for her, and finally against Cyril and the Monophysites. She came to power in 450 and ended up as the standard bearer of Catholic Christianity.

Under Pulcheria's influence, the new emperor, her husband, Marcian, called the Council of Chalcedon in 451, which defined the orthodox doctrine of the two natures of Christ. The formula was allegedly written by Pope Leo in "Leo's Tome." Chalcedon reversed the results of the Gangster Synod. Nestorius was still out of favor, but the Egyptians also lost.

That's very important in lots of ways. For one thing it meant that the heart of the Christian world would be Constantinople and Rome, not Alexandria. If these things had worked out differently, the heart of Christianity would have moved back to Alexandria.

So a nasty accident led to an amazing revolution. No one in Alexandria could believe it, because they held all the wealth and power. I'm surprised that Rome doesn't have a statue to the imperial horse that tripped, because that accident preserved the papacy.

What happened after Chalcedon?

Over the next 100 years all the oldest, most established churches, all the churches with the most direct links to the apostles, went in different directions as separate churches.

One set of churches became what we call Nestorian, which for several centuries were among the most sucessful Christian missionaries. They went to India, China, and Central Asia. Between 800 and 900 they were by far the most successful branch of Christianity in the world.

The Monophysites took a large chunk of Syria and Egypt. They had the greatest scholarship, the greatest connections with the New Testament, but they were all labeled heretical.

What was left was a rump, a small portion, and that's what becomes European Christianity.

What if that horse hadn't tripped?

Let's pretend that Emperor Theodosius had lived and Chalcedon had not happened. What it would have meant is that most of the Middle Eastern churches-Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and Mesopotamia-would have stayed at the heart of the Roman Empire; maybe Italy and France would have peeled off, but nobody would have cared because they were so marginal to the story. It's quite possible that the center of the church would have moved to Alexandria.

And if the empire still held the Middle East, it probably would not have succumbed to Islam. But when the Muslims came in the seventh century, the Nestorians and Monophysites, who were oppressed by the Catholic emperors, welcomed them as liberators because the Muslims preached and, until the 13th century, practiced religious toleration. As long as you paid taxes they didn't care what you believed.

What are the lessons from those ancient fights for Christians today?

When you actually pin down what the two sides disagreed about in the fifth century, so much of it depended on a few words or even letters. One huge debate is over a single Greek letter, which determined whether Christ was "in" two natures or "from" two natures. Christians literally were killing each other over it, and they didn't realize that Islam was about to overtake them.

I do not mean that Christians should unite against other religions or feel that Islam is a particularly dangerous threat in that way; that was just the particular historical circumstance. What I mean is that people should recognize the great deal they have in common before they start seeing each other as enemies.

The other lesson is probably how you see your enemies in debates like this. There is a danger in so exaggerating them that you create monsters. Your "enemy" is someone you may not necessarily have that much against when you really think about it.


This article originally appeared in the February 2010 issue of U.S. Catholic (vol. 75, no. 2, pages 18-23).


Related:

"A Combustible Faith" - A review of Jesus Wars -
http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2010/june/22.51.html