Monday, July 02, 2018

What's Wrong With Britain?


June 29, 2018

Image result for tommy robinson arrest 2018
Tommy Robinson being arrested outside Leeds Combined Courts on 25 May 2018

Lately I keep coming back to Britain. Across Western Europe in the last few years, national or regional governments have instituted full or partial bans on Muslim face coverings: no niqab or burka in French, Austrian, or Belgian public spaces, ditto in Bavarian schools, in various localities in Italy, in the canton of Ticino in Switzerland, and in certain public spaces in Barcelona. On Tuesday, after a thirteen-year effort by Geert Wilders, the Dutch Parliament finally approved a French-style ban. These bans may represent only a fraction of what needs to be done to save Europe, but at least they're something -- minor if defiant gestures of civilizational self-assertion in response to aggressive emblems of conquest.

In Britain, by contrast -- well, when asked last year about a burka ban, Prime Minister Theresa May curtly ruled it out as “divisive” and discriminatory. “I believe that what a woman wears is a woman's choice,” she said, preferring not to acknowledge the well-established fact that many women and girls who walk around in 90-degree temperatures with their faces and bodies covered in heavy, dark, non-breathable fabrics are not doing so out of choice. These days, even as other countries are beginning to debate these matters and pass (admittedly tame) prohibitions, the kind of wholesale denial of reality expressed by May seems, in Britain, to be ever more deeply rooted.

Yes, they voted for Brexit -- but even Mr. Brexit himself, Nigel Farage, is notoriously allergic to even the slightest critical commentary about Islam.

For an example of what I'm talking about, take a column that appeared in a recent issue of the Spectator -- the British one, not the American one. Now, I used to think of the Spectator as an oasis of sanity in the UK, and I would like to continue to think of it that way. But this determination was severely challenged by the column in question, which actually begins as follows:
Is it all right for the Muslim parents of children at British state schools to prevent their sons and daughters from being friends with non-Muslim kids? And is it sensible? These questions have been knocking around my head like a pair of trapped moths, unable to find a way out.
First of all, let's back up a bit. If you've read the Koran, that delightful book, you know that one of its running themes is Allah's contempt for non-Muslims. Sample quotes: “Allah is an enemy to those who reject Faith.” “The curse of Allah is on those without Faith.” Another theme is the “torment of Fire,” the “awful doom,” the “evil doom,” the “terrible agony,” the “doom and degradation,” the “great punishment,” the “Hell-fire,” etc., etc., that awaits non-Muslims in the hereafter. Repeatedly, moreover, the Koran enjoins Muslims to avoid the company of non-Muslims: “Do not take the Jews and the Christians for your friends.” “Let not the believers take unbelievers for friends.” The Koran also makes it clear that when Muslims live alongside non-Muslims, the ultimate goal of the former should be to convert, dhimmify, or kill the latter.

The clear Koranic directives about relations with infidels explains a lot. It accounts, for example, for the existence in cities all over England of so-called “grooming gangs” -- those groups of violent Muslim rapists that, over a period of years or decades, have maintained bevies of non-Muslim girls to satisfy their carnal desires. From earliest childhood, these Muslim men have been brought up on the unworthiness of non-Muslims -- and, particularly, on the tenet that it's not just permissible but virtuous to sexually abuse female infidels. So it only follows, as night follows day, that forming stables of sex toys out of other people's children is hunky-dory.

We know, of course, that British authorities were aware of these rape gangs for a long time but failed to do anything about them for fear of being called racist. In some cities, pressure by activists eventually compelled those authorities to act against these gangs. But the same authorities have striven to minimize the scale of these atrocities, to distract public attention from them as much as possible, to deny any connection between them and the teachings of Islam, and to harass and demonize those -- most famously, Tommy Robinson -- who insist on responding to them with the appropriate degree of outrage and on pointing out their Islamic roots.

With few exceptions, the British media have gone along with all this. No matter how much evidence accumulates that Islam is incompatible with liberal secular society and is transforming Britain in calamitous ways, the media act as if the country's only real problem is the people, such as Robinson, who keep saying that there's a problem.

Which brings us back to our Spectator column. The author, Mary Wakefield, explains that she recently met two non-Muslim women whose children have been shunned by their Muslim classmates. One of the two infidel kids in question is in a class where there's only one other non-Muslim pupil. Wakefield lets that detail pass without giving any indication that she finds it at all troubling. She's also quick to say that “I’m sure most Muslim families are undiscriminating.” What makes her so “sure”? Granted, she's willing to admit that this business of Muslim kids shunning non-Muslim kids “might be important.” Ya think? But then she urges the reader to consider the situation from the point of view of a Muslim mother:
Imagine yourself to be a devout Muslim mother living in Britain. Imagine looking around at the sex, drugs; the boozing and gangs. It might well be that your child’s best hope in this world (and the next) is to keep their faith, and the best way of ensuring that is to never let them go; to control who a child plays with and talks to after school.
What to say about this excerpt, after one has growled with rage or groaned in despair? Well, the main point is that it's a perfect specimen of what would appear to be Britain's new Orwellian orthodoxy, which, one gathers, compels every good Brit to affirm that, where Islam is concerned, everything is the exact opposite of the way it really is. According to this orthodoxy -- which isn't exclusive to Britain, but which increasingly seems to have reached its fullest flowering there (and, needless to say, in poor, lost Sweden) -- it's Islamic culture that embodies virtue and decency and all good things, and it's one's own culture that represents a malignant threat thereto.

Mary goes on to recommend something called Sound Vision Foundation, which she describes as a website for “liberal Muslim parents in Britain and the USA.” Liberal, my tochis: Sound Vision, she reports, “is quite clear about the importance of restricting your child’s friendships with non-Muslims.” Mary lists some of the site's tips on this score, including the advice to “get [one's kids] married early.” Mary seems to approve, unbothered by the implicit -- or, actually, not so implicit -- endorsement of forced marriage. “It’s hard to ensure the survival of a religious community in a secular country,” Mary reflects. “It’s entirely fair to want to.” In the year 2018, this seems to be to be a distinctly British concern -- worrying not about the survival of one's own culture in this era of Islamization but worrying, rather, about the survival of Islam in one's own secular polis.

Nevermind Islam's monstrous doctrines: a good Brit is obliged to cheer it on, to hope that it thrives. And, naturally, to stick to the Orwellian line:
Look at the news. Step outside. Last weekend, as my toddler and I played in the park, there were teenage boys on bikes with face-masks on, looping about like jackals waiting, quite openly, for the opportunity to grab some poor sod’s phone. The next day, one of them tried to take my husband’s laptop from a café table. These are school-age boys. They’ll be in class on Monday. Who could blame a Muslim mother for wanting to keep her children in the fold?
Yes, that's the big problem facing Britain today. Not Muslim rape gangs, not jihadist terrorism, not forced marriage or honor killing, not the systematic Muslim oppression of women and girls, not the deeply inculcated Muslim hatred for Jews, not the readiness of a frightening percentage of Muslims to slaughter their own children for being gay or apostates or “too Westernized.” No, the big problem is the mischievous but relatively innocuous conduct of ordinary English kids, whom Mary dares to call “jackals.” In the respectable British media, writers shrink from even applying such words to Muslim rapists or terrorists. But it's okay to talk that way about English schoolboys.

Of course, Muslims don't keep their kids away from non-Muslims because they're scared of having their cell phones nipped. They do it because they view infidels as inferiors and enemies, and because they don't want their kids infected by such Western values as tolerance, sexual equality, and individual liberty.

Mary concludes, in any event, by suggesting -- ever so gently, mind you -- that Muslim kids probably shouldn't be kept entirely out of the company of non-Muslims. There's no reason, she insists, for Muslims to think they have to choose between the West or Islam: they can have both!
Other governments in Europe are beginning to recognize that this is not true -- that fundamental symbols of Islamic faith, such as the face-covering veil, are simply out of place in a modern secular democracy. But in Britain -- banish the thought!

This is a country where judges are now officially instructed to go soft on non-white criminals while coming down hard on people convicted of expressing offensive attitudes toward protected groups.

According to the Equal Treatment Guide, “true equal treatment may not … always mean treating everyone in the same way.” I don't think even Sweden is that blatant about its Animal Farm-style understanding of the concept of equality.

What is going on here? What do such twisted guidelines, and reality-defying rubbish like Mary Wakefield's column, tell us about what is happening inside the British mind, the British conscience, the British soul? Yes, there are Brits -- we've seen them turn out by the thousands at the Tommy Robinson rallies -- who reject all this madness. But millions remain silent in the face of the treason of the elites, thereby implying consent.

Have they convinced themselves that they're doing something virtuous, something Christian -- turn the other cheek, the log in your own eye, and all that? Are they terrified that anything other than a constant stream of pro-Islamic bilge will incite Muslim insurrection? (Surely the frantic official handling of the Robinson case – and the banning of respected Islam critics from the U.K. –  suggest that the British establishment is trembling at the thought of mass Muslim fury in reaction to truth-telling.)

Have they really -- 1984 style -- developed a blindness to the evils of Islam and a perverse conviction that it's their own native culture that's the menace? Are they so devoted to multiculturalism that they're willing to be complicit in the destruction of any number of girls' lives -- and willing, too, to sell out centuries of British freedom, fairness, and justice -- in order to see it flourish? Are they so imbued with that famous British politeness that they dare not speak up against even the most blatant of evils? Are they just plain cowards? Or is the difference between the Brits and their burka-forbidding neighbors rooted in British imperial history? In other words, is it post-imperial guilt, fed by anti-Western schooling and the poisonous BBC, that is leading the British, in remarkable numbers, to grovel to Islam even more shamefully than their counterparts in most of the rest of Europe?

Sunday, July 01, 2018

Is Guilt Killing the West from Within?


by 

A "sense of guilt" for colonialism is debasing the West from within, according to Professor Bruce Gilley, and authoritarian regimes such as Iran, Russia, China and Turkey are profiting from this weakness.

The Romans called it damnatio memoriae: the damnation of memory that resulted in destroying the portraits and even the names of the fallen emperors. The same process is now underway in the West about its colonial past. The cultural elite in the West now seem so haunted by feelings of imperialist guilt that they are no longer confident that our civilization is something to be proud of.

A sense of guilt now seems a kind of post-Christian substitute religion that seduces many Westerners. The French scholar Shmuel Trigano suggested that this ideology is turning the Westerners into "post-colonial subjects" who no longer believe in their own civilization, but instead what will destroy it: multiculturalism. In France, for example, a manifesto was launched for "a multicultural and post racial republic". The result would be, in the words of the anthropologist Jean-Loup Amselle, a "war of identities" and a clash between communities. Last month, the UK Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn said that, if elected Prime Minister, he would order the British Museum to return to Greece the Elgin Marbles, the frieze that had surrounded the Parthenon of Athens and one of the major attractions of the British Museum. "This whole campaign is sheer lunacy," wrote Richard Dorment. But it is a lunacy spreading all over Europe.

Image result for elgin marbles frieze
A frieze which forms part of the 'Elgin Marbles', taken from the Parthenon in Athens, Greece almost two hundred years ago by the British aristocrat, the Earl of Elgin, are on display January 21, 2002 at the British Museum in London (Getty Images)

French President Emmanuel Macron announced that he wants to change the rules that make French public collections untouchable, and allow the return to Africa of dozens of historical artifacts now in the Louvre Museum. Macron has appointed two commissioners, the writer Senegalese Felwine Sarr and the art expert Bénédicte Savoy, to prepare a report.

Tanzania is asking for the return of the famous skeleton of a prehistoric Brachiosaurus, the main attraction of Natural History Museum of Berlin. New guidelines on restitution of "colonial objects" were recently unveiled by Germany's Minister of Culture, Monika Grütters.

Most historians are now taking the side of the campaign for returning these objects. One is David Olusoga, a historian of Nigerian origins, who has claimed that these colonial artifacts were "thefts" committed by the colonial powers at the time. Writing in The Telegraph, Zareer Masani, a historian of Indian origins, took a different position. It was the colonialists, he said, who had a decisive role in preserving the antiquities of the civilization:
"It was their dedication, often at huge personal sacrifice, that unlocked the wonders of many lost classical civilisations... The fact is that we have no idea what would have become of the world's 'looted' antiquities if they hadn't been preserved in Western collections. Would the treasures of Beijing's Summer palace have survived Mao's Cultural Revolution? Would the Elgin marbles have survived Turkish tour guides chopping off chunks to sell as souvenirs? Would Daesh [ISIS] have spared those Middle Eastern artefacts that survive in European museums?".
In 1969, the BBC aired Kenneth Clark's "Civilization", the series exploring Western art and culture. Then, civilization was something to be glorified. In 2018, the BBC aired the remake of Clark's classic, "Civilizations" -- note the plural. "This year, the 21st century version of the landmark show is to turn a critical eye to the history of British civilisation, questioning whether it is built on 'looting and plunder' and who, really, are the barbarians," writes Hannah Furness in The Telegraph. One of the new presenters is David Olusoga, the historian who called the Elgin Marbles "a very clear case of theft".

Thirty years ago, in a book, The Tears of the White Man, the French philosopher Pascal Bruckner wrote that, "the remorseless and self-righteous critic who endlessly denounces the deceptions of parliamentary democracy is suddenly rapt with admiration before the atrocities committed in the name of the Koran, the Vedas, the Great Helmsman..." Since then, Western elites have excused many crimes committed in the name of political Islam, as if these were the consequences of our own colonial crimes.

When Christians in Iraq were exiled, murdered or persecuted en masse by the so-called Islamic State, the West stood silent -- as if these Christians were the agents of the Western colonialism and not the legitimate and oldest inhabitants of the Middle East long before the Arabs converted to Islam. When a mob destroyed the French Institute in Cairo, burning books and collections, those who now want to return the "colonial artifacts" stood silent. When Iran's President Rouhani visited Rome, the Italian authorities covered the naked statues in the Capitoline Museums. Are we covering our own culture to please the Islamic world?

Unfortunately, what we are "returning" are not only the colonial artifacts, but our very pride in Western civilization. A new "damnation of the memory" is taking place in our own museums, academia and chattering classes -- and it has deep consequences for our ability to deal with the enemies of civilization. "Postcolonial material provides an important fuel for jihadism," stated France's most important scholar of Islamism, Gilles Kepel.

"The Monuments Men", a film made in 2014 by George Clooney, is about a group of Western curators and art experts who traveled to Europe to rescue the artistic masterpieces stolen by the Nazis. It was a story of Western bravery and moral clarity during the Second World War. In 2015, ISIS destroyed Palmyra, one of the most important cities of the ancient world. But the West watched this cultural destruction passively and no "Monuments Men" were dispatched to save Palmyra and other threatened sites. The Russians, profiting from the Western passivity, entered Palmyra and Russia's most famous conductor, Valery Gergiev, on performing a triumphal concert in the Palmyra arena, said: "We protest against barbarians who destroyed wonderful monuments of world culture". The Westerners then recreated a banal copy of the arch of Palmyra in London.

Where are our Monuments Men now?

Giulio Meotti, Cultural Editor for Il Foglio, is an Italian journalist and author.

Where's the Independent Voice Among Justices Appointed by Democrats?


By Debra J. Saunders
https://townhall.com/columnists/debrajsaunders/2018/07/01/wheres-the-independent-voice-among-justices-appointed-by-democrats-n2495916
July 1, 2018

Anthony Kennedy
Anthony Kennedy and Donald Trump last April (Jim Scalzo/EPA)

WASHINGTON -- As Justice Anthony Kennedy prepares to retire, all eyes in Washington will be on the battle to confirm whomever President Donald Trump nominates.

Prepare for warnings by Senate Democrats that the new nominee will not be sufficiently "independent," as Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and others said last year of now Justice Neil Gorsuch.

An appointee of President Ronald Reagan, Kennedy was reliably independent, the famous swing vote who at times stood with the four fellow justices appointed by Republican presidents and at others with the four appointed by Democrats.

On the high-profile political decisions, the four justices appointed by Democrats pretty much can be counted on to vote as one. Independent? No, they're too high-minded to deviate.

Even when it comes to free speech.

Wednesday the court issued an opinion by Justice Clarence Thomas that ruled against the Freedom, Accountability, Comprehensive Care and Transparency Act, a California state law that required anti-abortion pregnancy clinics to post information about where women can find free or low-cost services, including abortion.

The 2015 California law violated freedom of speech as protected in the First Amendment, Thomas opined, as it forced individuals with deeply held beliefs against abortion to promote the procedure by posting a "government-scripted" speech.

The legislation should be as offensive to free speech fans as a law requiring that abortion clinics distribute anti-abortion material. And yet four justices dissented with the decision in NIFLA v. Becerra. They are Stephen Breyer and Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who were nominated by President Bill Clinton, as well as Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan, who were nominated by President Barack Obama.The California law is the sort of legislation that states pass when they are heavily weighted to one side and want to use that weight to force their views on others, even after they've won the day.

Abortion is legal and readily available in California. According to the Guttmacher Institute, "California does not have any of the major types of abortion restrictions -- such as waiting periods, mandated parental involvement or limitations on publicly funded abortions -- often found in other states."

So with no legal or financial hurdles facing women who want to terminate their pregnancies, what do abortion-rights advocates do? They go after people who disagree with them. They argue that abortion opponents mislead pregnant women and that pregnant women don't realize what type of clinic they have visited. And they pass a law that requires abortion opponents to do their pro-abortion advertising for them.

Breyer wrote that the California law cannot be considered "viewpoint discrimination" because the law is purely informational. It doesn't require that anti-abortion clinics endorse abortions, he argued, but simply requires that licensed clinics inform pregnant women about the medical care available to them and that unlicensed clinics inform women that they do not provide medical services.

Breyer compared the California law to legislation that requires signage for seat belt use, the location of stairways and garbage collection.

Writing for the majority, Thomas chided the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, which upheld the FACT Act on the dubious grounds that it applied to "professional speech" -- as the court never has recognized political speech as less worthy of protection.

As for the law's alleged goal of informing the public, Thomas wrote, the state could wage a public information campaign instead of forcing people who oppose abortion to advertise it.

Kennedy agreed with Thomas, but wrote a concurring opinion to address the insidious issue of "viewpoint discrimination" and "the serious threat presented when government seeks to impose its own message in the place of individual speech, thought and expression."

Keep in mind that Kennedy, a devout Catholic, upheld Roe v. Wade in the 1992 Planned Parenthood v. Casey ruling and opposed a Texas bill to restrict access to abortion in 2016.

But with free speech at stake, Kennedy continued in his NIFLA v. Becerra concurrence: "For here the State requires primarily pro-life pregnancy centers to promote the State's own preferred message advertising abortions. This compels individuals to contradict their most deeply held beliefs, beliefs grounded in basic philosophical, ethical, or religious precepts, or all of these."

That violation of the First Amendment Kennedy could not abide.

In the coming weeks, you'll hear critics charging that Trump's pick is not sufficiently independent, that he's no Anthony Kennedy. They do not ask: Why is there no Anthony Kennedy on the left side of the big bench?

Saturday, June 30, 2018

Off the Shelf: What Catholic Traditionalists Foresaw



By Michale Brendan Dougherty
June 29, 2018
Editor’s Note: Every week, Michael Brendan Dougherty writes an “Off the Shelf” column sharing casual observations on the books he’s reading and the passing scene.
My family drove back from our brief trip to Maine early Monday morning.
I’ve been reading through a collection of essays, The Best of “Triumph,” which pulls together the notable contributions to a reactionary Catholic periodical from the 1960s and 1970s. The introduction to the collection asks whether Triumph wasn’t a natural ally of the conservative movement. Hadn’t its founder, Brent Bozell, co-authored with William F. Buckley Jr. a defense of Senator Joe McCarthy? Hadn’t he worked closely with Goldwater? The answer is stark. “In the history of a magazine that habitually confounded expectations and surprised, even shocked its readers, nothing was more confounding than Brent Bozell’s decisive severance of himself andTriumph from the conservative movement.”
Bozell's arguments against conservatives are merely folded into his larger argument with modernity. In some ways he foreshadows the arguments made more recently by Patrick Deneen. Bozell urged readers to discard the illusion of a a dialectic between conservatism on one side and liberalism on the other. “Is it not clear that what we are dealing with here is not two corpses, but one? What is being discarded by history is a whole approach to man and to politics.” Bozell wants to dispel the other illusion, “that politics — the ordering of the public life — can proceed without continuing reference to God.” Bozell wanted a public life ordered such that it would “help a man be a Christian”.

You would often find, however, that Triumph is not so far from National Review as the introduction imagines. There in its pages, as in ours, is Erik Maria Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddihn. The number of times that Jean-Jacques Rousseau is called into the dock in this volume nearly equals Jonah Goldberg’s effort in Suicide of the West.
The book is a beautiful specimen of traditionalist Catholic publishing. That is, it is massive, has long stretches of white space, and the typography has odd errors. Some pages in my editions are rendered in entirely bolded text. But it has its gems. In these pages the great historian Christopher Dawson writes of the Catholic Church as “this majestic superhuman reality.”
At this point, to be totally honest, I think modern American society does drive people to become Christians. Which is different from “helping” them to be Christians, I suppose. At the same time, I’m nearly despairing of the Church’s ability to keep men Christians. I can’t quite shake the anger I feel when I read about the now-acknowledged depredations of Cardinal Theodore McCarrick.
I thought I was already inured to the moral rot in the Catholic clergy. I’ve been briefed about the machinations in some important urban dioceses, where bishops subtly encourage the death of the parishes located on prime real estate so that the Church can close them and sign lucrative 99-year leases with property developers. My family knows of the parishes that have an internal reputation so notorious that they get nicknames. A certain St. Matthew’s becomes “St. Mattress.” And so on.
A friend who left the seminary - to morally compromising, he thought — once told me of a legendary story in his diocese. A recently ordained priest was assigned to a parish with a pastor who liked putting on rather decadent parties in the parish house. This new priest complained to his bishop about it. The bishop brushed him off. But word of the complaint leaked around the diocese, and the pastor retaliated by having the newly ordained priest’s bed removed from his room and replaced with a Jacuzzi tub. The young priest called the bishop again. “I’m leaving,” he said. “Fine, fine,” the bishop relented, saying that he could give him a new assignment. “No,” the priest responded. “I’m leaving the priesthood.” That bishop has had a major promotion since, and is considered a stalwart conservative, with extensive contacts among conservative politicians. It’s a real possibility that he reads this website. I hope he reads this and for the first time in a long time really feels the cold grip of quiet panic.
The moral corruption is so deep and pervasive it becomes almost invisible by its omnipresence. It just flashes its icy look and smile on different faces. We see it in Pope Francis inviting Cardinal Godfried Danneels to participate as an elder statesmen in the Synods on the Family, though Daneels had helped cover up the abuse of a young man by Father Roger Vangheluwe, the victim’s uncle. We see it in the way disgraced men such as Cardinal Roger Mahoney are still allowed to haunt their diocese. Even Bishop Rembert Weakland, who embezzled funds from his diocese to pay off his lover. We see it in Miami, where the former archbishop had a side business selling Spanish fly. And this is just the most basic sexual and financial corruption. Undergirding both is a spiritual and intellectual corruption.
One of the remarkable things about reading Triumph now is the sense in its essays that the events they are witnessing in the late 1960s and early 1970s are cataclysmic for the Church and society. There is a sense that things cannot go on this way for long. But, in a way, they can and did. In fact, things are much worse than the editors imagined. Reading it has stolen some of the comfort I have taken by encouraging people to imagine a more sane Church and world in 50 years looking back on the present. And how shocking they would find the nadir it all came to in our times.
There is an undeniable psychological tension between my religious belief that I cannot have hope for salvation outside the visible, institutional Church and my honest conviction that of all the institutions and societies that intersect with my life, the Church is by far the most corrupt, the most morally lax, the most disillusioning, and the most dangerous for my children. In that tension, personal prayer will dry up like dew at noon.

Where do I find hope? I find it in the faces of other young Catholics. The families at my parish who make real sacrifices for the Faith. I find it in the young writers such as Sohrab Ahmari , B. D. McClay, and Matthew Schmitz who still convert and fall in love as I did. They could start Triumph, anew. Even if sometimes my personal piety dries into dust and nothingness, the bell rings at Mass, my knee drops to the floor, and if nothing else, this gesture testifies objectively to the reality that Christ is present in the Eucharist, that Christ is Lord. Hopefully for now, that’s all I need to know.
Terror in France: The Rise of Jihad in the West (Princeton Studies in Muslim Politics) by [Kepel, Gilles]
I’m also reading Terror in France: The Rise of Jihad in the West, by Gilles Kepel. It was a passionate book that took stock of the terrible year 2015, which began with a slaughter at the offices of Charlie Hebdo and ended with a massacre at the Bataclan. It was followed by the martyrdom of a Catholic priest, Jacques Hamel, in 2016. That year and those events in France set everything else in the West on their current trajectory.
The wave of terror, and the many connections it had to migratory routes that Angela Merkel had encouraged to grow, has bequeathed to us a whole new system of borders within Europe, populist governments rising in Austria and Italy, the near end of Merkel’s chancellorship, and Brexit. It may have even inspired enough Americans to pull the lever for Donald Trump who promised to ban Muslim migration and travel to the United States.
Kepel traces the terror back to the 2005 riots in France, the ones that announced a new generation of native-born Muslim youth. And in a 2005 manifesto, The Global Islamic Resistance Call, by Mustafa Setmariam Nasar, a Syrian Spaniard. It shifted the balance of Islamic terror, away from al-Qaeda’s old model of recruiting Middle Eastern terrorists to carry out spectaculars in the West, to looking within the “poorly integrated” Islamic youth of France. The idea was to take the struggle to Europe until its nations began to implode in the atmosphere of civil war. Those who answered the call left Europe to train as fighters in Iraq and Afghanistan, later Syria.
Kepel sees Islamic terror has a fundamental challenge to a French state and French society that is ill-equipped to meet it. French political and security institutions are more insular than those in Britain and America, he insists. I find this debatable. Like most liberal intellectuals, Kepel often looks beyond the blood in the street spilled by Islamists, to the blood spilled in his imagination, by fascist reactionaries who seize power later. The book is also marred by its final lame attempt to envision a France beyond the current apocalypse, one in which the French high school serves like the Church in St. John’s Revelation, a paradigm of a new heaven and earth. One doubts French schools are peaceful or so powerful as to be able to create a new France.
Overall, though, it is a challenging book, and I find it useful to engage in a more French way of looking at political events. American commentators are obsessed by the recursiveness of American history, and tend to place all their emphasis on what we are all already supposed to know. We tend to use political commentary to reinforce long-held ideas and notions, as if we are always looking at current events as riffs on the old familiar themes of history. Kepel, like many French commentators, tends to look for what is new and distinctive in the moment, what threatens to break out and reorder French assumptions and French life. It’s a livelier way of looking at the world.
The end of history never came. But, perhaps, the end of corruption does come as a necessity. The decay of the clergy cannot long survive in a world dedicated to stripping priests of their comforts, honors, and occasionally their lives. Is it too much to think that in Europe’s future Christian priests will be more drawn to the example of men like Jacques Hamel than to the sickening worldliness of men like McCarrick and Danneels? Hopefully, they won’t even have the choice.